| Abstract: | In the US, the pro-choice movement has not only survived but grown stronger in the 25 years since the legalization of abortion provided its greatest victory. This longevity is explained through an examination of the internal organizational changes which have taken place in the movement as well as the external changes which have taken place in the political environment surrounding the movement. After providing a theoretical basis for this investigation, the history of the pro-choice movement in the US is traced in light of these elements. In the pre-1973 era, the movement lacked formal organization but was bolstered by external political factors provided by the protest cycle of the 1960s. During 1973-76, the actions of anti-abortion groups forced pro-choice groups to develop the more formalized organizational structures which helped the pro-choice movement survive its initial success and the decline of the era of protests. In the period 1976-83, the anti-abortion movement achieved passage of the Hyde Amendment banning federal funding of abortions. This victory by the opposition led to an expansion in the pro-choice movement which included the formation of many local reproductive rights organizations. Many of these organizations failed to create formalized structures and, therefore, failed to maintain their impetus to survive. However, NARAL (the National Association for Repeal of Abortion Laws) had adopted a more formalized structure and professional leadership following the Hyde legislation and developed strong, formal connections with its state affiliates while continuing to strengthen grassroots actions. The visible threats to abortion laws mounted by the anti-abortion groups added to NARAL's strength. During 1983-89, the pro-choice movement gained some key victories which threatened its survival. Continued activity on the part of the anti-abortion groups (such as release of the movie "The Silent Scream") generated enough pro-choice support, however, to weather this period. The activities of Operation Rescue also stimulated pro-choice reactions. In the period 1989-92, the Supreme Court gave pro-choice groups a victory in its Webster vs. Reproductive Health decision. Thus, NARAL's membership grew to an unprecedented 400,000 in 1990 and allowed the group to pump money into local grassroots activities. By the time the Court issued its Casey decision in 1992, neither group was willing to claim victory, although the ruling was a great victory for pro-choice forces because although the Court allowed states to impose new restrictions to abortion, it refused to overturn Roe vs. Wade. 1992 also saw the election of a pro-choice President who was able to appoint a pro-choice Justice to the Supreme Court in 1993. The ability of the pro-choice movement to survive victory (the creation of a favorable political opportunity structure) will be decided by the critical battles surrounding attempts to limit access to abortion providers as well as the accessibility of drug-induced abortion. State legislatures will remain major battlefields because of the Court-allowed restrictions. The pro-choice movement will also have to resolve conflicts over strategy such as whether to appeal to mainstream Americans or use the favorable climate to push for rights. The pro-choice movement will likely survive because the anti-abortion groups continue to pose threats and because formal organizations with professional leadership will keep the issues before the membership. |
