Restitution over coffee: truth,reconciliation, and environmental violence in East Timor |
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Affiliation: | 1. The Sustaining Technical and Analytic Resources program funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and implemented by Public Health Institute, Washington, DC 20547, USA;2. USAID, Bureau for Global Health, and Office of HIV/AIDS, Washington, DC, USA;1. School of Marine Studies, Faculty of Science, Technology and Environment, University of the South Pacific, Laucala Bay Rd., Suva, Fiji;2. Faculty of Law, University of Otago, 85 Albany Street, 9th Floor, Richardson Building, Dunedin 9016, New Zealand;3. Ministry of Fisheries, Sopu, Tonga;1. Department of Neurology, West China Hospital of Sichuan University, Chengdu, China;2. China National Clinical Research Center for Neurological Diseases, Beijing, China;3. Tiantan Clinical Trial and Research Center for Stroke, Department of Neurology, Beijing Tiantan Hospital, Capital Medical University, Beijing, China;4. Vascular Neurology, Department of Neurology, Beijing Tiantan Hospital, Capital Medical University, Beijing, China;5. Department of Healthcare Quality Evaluation, Bureau of Medical Administration, National Health Commission of the People’s Republic of China, Beijing, China;6. NIHR University College London Hospitals Biomedical Research Centre, UCL Queen Square Institute of Neurology, London WC1N 3BG & Chalfont Centre for Epilepsy, Chalfont St Peter, SL9 0RJ, United Kingdom;7. Stichting Epilepsie Instellingen Nederland (SEIN), Heemstede, the Netherlands;1. Division of Cardiac Surgery, Department of Surgery, Schulich Heart Centre, Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;2. Institute of Health Policy, Management and Evaluation, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;3. Division of Nephrology, Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;4. COVID-19 Modelling Collaborative, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;5. Division of Cardiology, Hamilton Health Sciences, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada;6. CorHealth Ontario, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;7. Toronto Health Economics and Technology Assessment (THETA) Collaborative, University Health Network, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;8. Interdepartmental Division of Critical Care Medicine, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;9. University Health Network, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;10. Public Health Ontario, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;11. Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;12. Division of Cardiology, Department of Medicine, Schulich Heart Centre, Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada;1. Department of Radiation Oncology, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts;12. Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts;2. Gaborone Private Hospital, Gaborone, Botswana;3. Department of Anatomical Pathology, National Health Laboratory, Gaborone, Botswana;4. Department of Pathology, University of Botswana School of Medicine, Gaborone, Botswana;6. Botswana Harvard AIDS Institute, Gaborone, Botswana;5. Princess Marina Hospital, Gaborone, Botswana;7. Bokamoso Private Hospital, Gaborone, Botswana;11. Department of Radiation Oncology and Leonard David Institute of Health Economics, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;8. Division of Infectious Diseases, Brigham and Women''s Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts |
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Abstract: | Truth commissions have become an almost obligatory component of the process by which national societies attempt to reconstruct themselves in the aftermath of, and recover from, periods of violent, authoritarian rule, and/or war, especially of the civil variety. Proponents of truth commissions see them as indispensable to promoting reconciliation between former adversaries as well as a transition to a more just, democratic, and peaceful political order, while serving as an important component in nation-state-(re)building. This paper analyzes and critiques the boundaries that typically define the tasks of truth commissions with a focus on East Timor’s. It contends that commissions achieve less than they might in terms of their goal of facilitating a justice-infused notion of reconciliation between conflicting parties because of their tendency to focus on individual acts or events of violence, while giving relatively little weight to systemic or structural forms of violence. To substantiate this argument, the paper analyzes the relationship of coffee—East Timor’s primary export commodity—to the violence and terror that the country’s truth commission addresses. In doing so, the paper illustrates the dynamic links between violence and the environment and how said environment comes to embody that violence and to reproduce it in various forms. It also demonstrates the limits of truth commissions as conventionally defined as they relate to matters of social justice. In doing so, it potentially points the way toward more ambitious, and more successful, truth-telling and reconciliation processes—if we assume the goal is to promote a just and peaceful coexistence between former adversaries. The framework employed is one of a Third World political ecology of violence, one that understands violence not only in terms of direct acts of physical brutality, but also in terms of indirect acts and social structures that cause injury. |
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