Open Door or Sphere of Influence?: The Diplomacy of the Japanese–French Entente and Fukien Question, 1905–1907

Japanese–French negotiation for their 1907 entente revealed contrasting approaches to the application of the Open Door principle in China, particularly to the Fukien province after the Japanese victory in the Russo-Japanese War. Having learned about France's wish to receive Japanese guarantee for the safety of its colony in Indo-China, Japan strove to define Fukien as its additional sphere of influence once it had secured much needed loans in the Paris financial market. France tried to resist Japan's request to define Fukien as its sphere by adopting a secret note, and attempted to restrain Japan's future expansion into China by enmeshing Japan in the web of political and financial ententes with itself and Britain supporting Open Door. This approach of France was a continuation of French policy toward East Asia since the Boxer Uprising, securing its economic interests by supporting Open Door rather than pursuing territorial competition with other great powers in China. In contrast, the Japanese government strenuously attempted to weaken the general application of Open Door doctrine in China, and could define Fukien as Japan's additional sphere by securing a secret explanatory note for such a purpose.     

中葡有关澳门主权交涉内幕——从1862年条约换文到1887年条约谈判

澳门主权问题的提出主要是在中国鸦片战争失利以后。1862年条约是葡人居澳以来中葡两国签订的第一个条约。由于葡萄牙代表在议约中采取了欺诈手段,清政府未予批准。自1864年换约失败至1887年条约谈判之前的20余年时间里,葡萄牙为了以订立条约的形式达到“合法”占据澳门的目的,曾经串通列强及其驻京公使,多次与清政府进行交涉。     

1884—1939年中药材埠际贸易的变迁研究

中药材作为近代中国贸易格局中的重要商品之一,在口岸-腹地的经济互动中位置显要,研究中药材埠际贸易网络对理解其流通的历史具有重要意义。由于受到调查数据相对零散和研究方法相对传统的限制,该网络的复原少有实质性推进。本文主要利用中国旧海关史料的中药材埠际贸易数据,辅以其他对外贸易数据,对近代的中药材埠际贸易流通网络进行数据分析研究,发现中药材埠际贸易格局的演变与通商口岸开埠的空间进程密切相关。从19世纪末到20世纪20年代,中药材埠际贸易网络呈现逐渐加密的态势,1927年后,因为战争,中药材埠际贸易网络摧毁严重;同时,中药材国际贸易的区域分布却较为广阔,从以中国为中心的东亚区域延伸到欧洲、美洲部分地区。     

Sharing the colonial burden: Treaty‐making and reconciliation in Hul’qumi’num territory

This article explores different understandings of reconciliation within the context of modern treaty making in British Columbia, focusing on the role of the BC treaty process in resolving the longstanding dispute between Aboriginal Peoples and the Crown over rights to land. Although the treaty process was created to reconcile competing interests in the land, Crown and Aboriginal negotiators often have contradictory understandings of how this reconciliation is to take place. Drawing on a case study of the Hul’qumi’num Peoples, a group of Coast Salish First Nations, I examine how different understandings and approaches to reconciliation impede progress at the treaty table. I conclude that progress towards treaty and reconciliation in this case will require coming to terms with the Hul’qumi’num territory's colonial history and geography, something that the current treaty process actively avoids, plus the crafting of a treaty agreement that allows for a more equal sharing of the burden that colonialism has created in this place. More particularly, meaningful reconciliation will require a fuller recognition of Aboriginal title and rights across the breadth of the territory and a commitment to meaningful compensation of Hul’qumi’num Peoples for the wrongful taking of their lands.     

论我国《合同法》关于违约金责任的规定

违约金是一种重要的违约责任的实现方式。自《合同法》颁布以来,理论界和司法实践中,围绕着《合同法》第114条关于违约金责任的规定进行了激烈的争论,至今未形成一致的意见。本文认为,我国《合同法》中的约定违约金,既具有惩罚性也具有赔偿性。两种不同性质的违约金与损害赔偿、定金等违约责任的其他承担形式的关系也各自不同。应当承认存在单纯的惩罚性违约金,立法上应当清楚地界定两种性质违约金的区别,以消除理论认识上的矛盾和司法实践中的混乱。     

浅析1871年李鸿章、曾国藩对中日缔约意见之异同

李鸿章和曾国藩对中国与日本缔结通商条约,都是持赞同的态度,但他们二人的想法又有所不同。李鸿章所注意的是通过缔约拉拢或牵制日本,曾国藩所重视的是条约的平等性。因而,曾国藩对被李鸿章回避的“一体均沾”问题,予以了特别的强调。     

雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判

雅尔塔协定、中苏条约与重庆谈判之间具有相当密切和直接的关系.当时,美苏通过雅尔塔协定和中苏条约,所协调和确立起来的两国共同支持国民党而不支持中共的对华政策,对战后国共重庆谈判的举行和政治协商会议的商定,都产生了重大影响,甚至发挥了主要作用.但到关键时刻在关键问题上,美苏的影响和作用又是相当有限的.我们对此必须要有辩证的清醒的认识.     

Stumbling towards Empire: The Shanghai Local Post Office,the Transnational British Community and Informal Empire in China, 1863–97

In the second half of nineteenth century, a small transnational British and foreign community grew up in the treaty ports scattered along China’s coast, a community literally caught between the great inner Asian empire of the Manchu Qing and British-dominated informal empire in Asia. Although scholars often contend that few major developments occurred in the foreign sector of the treaty port world until the very end of the nineteenth century, this article joins recent revisionist scholarship seeking to better understand the growth of this transnational treaty port community through a study of the Shanghai Municipal Council’s local post office in the context of informal empire prior to the rise of muscular Chinese nationalism in the early twentieth century.

As an institutional history of the virtually unknown local post office, this article is a study of the decades-long process by which the foreign settler community of Shanghai slowly built up the administrative capacity, trading networks and communications infrastructure of informal empire and semi-colonial order in the nineteenth-century treaty ports. The history of the local post office is largely unknown not because of its insignificance, but because we have not paid enough attention to the institutions that facilitated the emergence of transnational expatriate and settler communities throughout the world of British informal empire and the global and local influences that shaped them.