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Virginie Mamadouh 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2001,92(4):420-436
The European Union is generally presented as the most elaborated institutional form of integration ever achieved between democratic states. What the European Union really is or should be is, however, a much debated issue: a (federal) state in formation? or a new form of political governance, very much different from the modern state? Assuming that the later is describing the reality more adequately than the former, this paper explores the territoriality of European integration since the end of the Second World War, in which aftermath Western European states have embarked into the process of peaceful integration. It aims at discussing the specific territoriality of the supranational framework in which Member States partake. To emphasise differences and similarities with modern states, territoriality will be addressed through three main aspects: the territorial dimension of the integration process (e.g. the evolution of the territory under jurisdiction of the supranational authority), the territorial expression of integration in political landscapes typically linked to state territoriality: borders and capital cities. 相似文献
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Previous research has presented hypotheses concerning the presence of widespread Aboriginal sedentism in coastal and riverine South Australia during the past 5000 years. These hypotheses were based on biological distance data (metric and non‐metric), isotopic analyses at the inland Roonka Flat site and the emergence of large, well‐defined cemeteries throughout the region. Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope data for a large burial population at the Swanport archaeological site in the lower Murray River Basin of South Australia, near the coastal river mouth, provide additional evidence for the presence of hunter–gatherer sedentism and territoriality during the late Holocene. Stable isotope research provides a powerful method to examine subsistence‐settlement systems and social relations in prehistoric populations. 相似文献
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通过对宁波天一广场治理机制的个案研究发现,中国新城市空间的治理已经成为中国共产党进行党建工作的一项地域性工程。在市场化改革与地方间竞争的背景下,地方党政机关极为关注基于行政辖区的地域性身份认同和利益,有意识的与非公有部门的经济精英共同塑造和强化地域性身份认同和利益诉求,并结成新形式的城市治理联盟。中共及其附属的群众组织的地方组织力量,通过地域导向的组织重构,加强了对非公有部门的控制力,填补了市场转型造成的新城市空间治理的真空,也加强了自身在新城市空间中的组织网络和治理能力。 相似文献
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Brian F. Codding Adrian R. Whitaker Douglas W. Bird 《The Journal of Island and Coastal Archaeology》2014,9(2):145-149
ABSTRACTShellfish are a crucial resource for past and present subsistence-level societies around the world. Despite the diversity of environments in which shellfish are exploited, an examination of the global patterns of shellfish exploitation reveal surprisingly common patterns in the opportunities allowed and constraints imposed by relying on shellfish. These commonalities, linked to the fundamental features of shellfish and their exploitation, can illuminate diverse social and ecological factors likely to influence variability in their archaeological signatures. Here we review contributions to this special issue and explore common trends in shellfish use and its archaeological consequences. 相似文献
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Katleen Peleman 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2003,94(2):151-163
Muslim women's participation in Western society is hampered by specific restrictions. This paper, based on qualitative interviews in an ethnic neighbourhood in Antwerp, Belgium, focuses on Moroccan women's participation in leisure activities and their noncommittal use of public space. The paper demonstrates that the difficulties Moroccan women experience in undertaking activities out of the house result from the territorial behaviour of dominant groups wishing to maintain existing power relations. Collins’ matrix of domination is used, into which is integrated Islam, to conceptualise the dominance relations involved. Spatial strategies in the neighbourhood are analysed by means of Sack's human territoriality theory. The author concludes that Sack's theory is well suited to the analysis of territoriality at a neighbourhood level, if his centralised power concept is replaced by a more fragmented one, accounting for both dominance and resistance. In this development of resistance, borders and geographical scale, both neglected by Sack, play a crucial role. 相似文献
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by Choon-Piew Pow 《Geografiska annaler. Series B, Human geography》2009,91(2):91-105
As a spatial strategy to control people by controlling access to space, gated communities are territorial place-making devices par excellence. While gated communities often conjure up images of extreme urban inequality and social–spatial segregation, relatively few works have actually engaged in more normative analysis and debates on these contentious urban forms. Addressing this lacuna, this paper will critically examine the geographical-moral dimensions of gated communities by adopting Sack's (2003) theoretical framework on 'good' and 'real' places. Specifically, the paper seeks to underscore the geographical-moral significance of place by considering gated communities as a key site for the critical reflection on the moral content of urban development driven by ideologies of privatism and neoliberal market logic. 相似文献
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GERTJAN DIJKINK INGE VAN DER WELLE 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2009,100(5):623-634
Studies in transnationalism raise the expectation that new forms of ‘flexible citizenship’ will attune the frozen world of territorial sovereignties and citizenship to the reality of global migration and borderless business. In the Netherlands, however, the focus of the integration debate has recently shifted to an affirmation of sovereignty. Three cases in which ethnic minorities in the Netherlands were exposed to (possible) action from their homelands (Turkey and Morocco) elicited political discussion in which dual citizenship and transnational political influence were rejected. We conclude that a changed policy of homeland governments (diaspora engagement) is not the most likely explanation of the public excitement. The new sovereignty discourse fits into a neo‐nationalist trend but may also be explained as a way to contain the unpredictable effects of the sustained multiculturalism underlying Dutch policy toward migrant communities. 相似文献
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Ella Fratantuono 《Journal of Genocide Research》2019,21(1):1-24
In the past decade, historians of the Armenian Genocide have productively explored broader trends in Ottoman population politics to situate the genocide within the totality of Ottoman social engineering techniques and to highlight continuities between the Second Constitutional Period (1908–1918) and the Kemalist era (1919–1950). This article contributes to the effort to understand state building, internal colonization, and state-enacted violence across regimes by examining Ottoman archival documents related to immigrant settlement. Rather than focusing exclusively on the Young Turk period, this article traces Ottoman conceptions of its territory and population from the 1850s forward. In 1857, concerns about population density and population productivity inspired the Tanzimat High Council to issue a new set of migration regulations, which encouraged immigration by promising free land, tax exemption, and religious freedom for colonists from Europe and the United States. The issuing of the 1857 regulations occurred almost simultaneously with the initiation of a decades-long mass Muslim migration from the Crimean Peninsula, Caucasus, and Balkans into the shrinking territory of the Ottoman state. In 1860, the Empire established a centralized Immigrant Commission (Muhacirin Komisyonu) for receiving, categorizing, and settling the Muslim immigrants. Most immigrants did not meet the selection criteria established in the 1857 regulations. Nevertheless, immigrant settlement became a key component in nineteenth-century Ottoman internal colonization and social engineering. Ultimately, settlement policies and data generated about the population and territory allowed officials to enact assimilative and expulsive policies based not only on ethnic or religious characteristics but also on tropes of productivity and civilization. Examining immigrant settlement as internal colonization situates the Ottoman Empire within global patterns of state building and imperialism and reveals continuity in how officials conceived of population productivity and population removal, allowing historians to understand better political, infrastructural, and ideological precursors to the Armenian genocide. 相似文献