元代陕西行省研究

元代陕西行省设立早,起初临时处理军政,且与四川时合时分,至元二十三年(1286年)后自为一省。陕西行省与行御史台、宗王等分治最为典型。因西台负责四省监察,蒙古军都万户府迁治凤翔及安西王等出镇,陕西行省长期充任西部军政大本营。然军事权偏弱,还有所谓"未尝提调军马"的"旧例"。这是前期四川设行枢密院,蒙古军都万户府与其不相统摄,平章多不兼都万户,直接支配军队有限等所造成。任职或镇守陕西的,往往是廉希宪、赛典赤、阿思罕、乃蛮台等重臣及安西王、湘宁王等显赫宗王。该省"舞台"或可窥见元朝廷各种政治势力的角逐乃至厮杀。     

'With a strong hand and an outstretched arm' the meaning of the expression byd hzqh wbzrw' ntwyh

The expression ''with a strong hand and an outstretched arm'' is usually understood as being an expression of the power of God. There are various suggestions as to which aspect of his power is indicated: The power of inflicting plague and sickness or his power as a warrior - or whether the expression is used as a counterpart to Egyptian royal terminology. It is suggested here that the expression does refer to the power of inflicting plague and sickness, for the following reasons: ''With a strong hand and an outstretched arm'' is a parallelism between two collocations of words, ''strong hand'' and ''outstretched hand'' (''arm'' + the verb ''stretch out''). When the two collocations, both containing the word ''hand'', were made to form a parallelism, the element ''arm'' was the added to one of them to achieve variation between the units of the parallelism. The element ''arm'', which often has a military connotation, is then an extraneous component to the expression. The outcome of ''stretching out the hand'' in the Pentateuch and the historical books is miraculous events, some of these being a number of the plagues. The expression does not seem to have any military connotation in the account of the Exodus. A comparison with the literatures of other Semitic languages shows that in the ancient Near East not only ''the hand'' of a deity inflicting plague and sickness can be found, but actually ''a strong hand''. In most of the occurrences of the expression in the Pentateuch apparently the entire experience of Israel in Egypt is signified. Only in Exod 3,19; 6,1; (where we cannot be sure whether the arm belongs to YHWH or to Pharaoh) and 6,6 the expression is connected to specific traditions in the account of the Exodus, and these are exactly the plague traditions.     

黄帝受命有云瑞 夷巫事神琢瑞云

在红山文化墓葬发掘出土的上百件玉器中,玉箍和玉勾云形器是重要的玉神器,尤以玉勾云形器为最最重要之事神用巫玉。其表面器形构架由(?)三种图案组合成复合勾云纹造型,反映了红山文化群体对"云"、"雨"的崇敬和期盼。其深层内涵则是云上有天、天上有神,天神是至高无上之神,具有权威性和震慑性,也为红山文化群体视为保护神加以膜拜。玉勾云形器、玉龙、兽面饰块形器等红山文化玉神器均以云纹作结构框架并普遍应用,说明其群体以崇敬云天为己任,并创建了高度发达的东夷玉文化板块。此一玉文化或可能与"黄帝受命有云瑞"、"官名皆以云命,为云师"的记载有关联。而"玉勾云形器"之名称不甚准确,经考证古文献,应为"吉云饰玉神器"、"玉吉云形器",宜定名为"玉瑞云纹饰"。     

明治时期西方人的日本观探析——以小泉八云和张伯伦为例

小泉八云和张伯伦同样作为明治时期两大西方的日本研究家而知名,然而二者对明治日本的认识却截然不同。小泉八云将“有机的遗传”融入到自己的日本文化论中,认为日本人精神层面的优点来自其“祖先崇拜”,是一种“死者支配”的体现,并在此基础上进行了他的东洋礼赞和西洋批判。与此相对,张伯伦则是文化传播理论的支持者,他认为西方的优势文明必将取代日本落后的文明,是典型的西洋至上主义者。本文从比较文化论的角度,采取实证的方式,解析了明治时期两大日本人研究家——小泉八云和张伯伦的明治时期的日本认识迥异与成因。     

龙门路洞调查报告

龙门石窟路洞是开凿于北魏末期、设计规整、布局统一、雕刻精致、内容丰富而又是一次完工的中大型洞窟,洞窟本身未有纪年。本报告详述了龙门路洞的建筑与雕刻内容及其现状。     

春秋天信仰的特点

春秋帝崇拜式微,天信仰几乎取代西周天帝信仰。天作为春秋至上神,其突出的特点是权能的广泛性、意志的权威性和赏罚的道德性。春秋天命和天道是天的意志的固定表达方式,从“天”的意志到“天命”到“天道”,是一个从天神的意志到冥冥之中的命运到社会自然法则的转化。在这个转变过程中,天的人格色彩愈趋淡化。春秋天信仰对于现存社会秩序的作用犹如双刃剑,既维护又破坏,具有道德约束、心理平衡和精神支撵功能以及认识功能。春秋人不求在天信仰的精神世界中获得永恒,而是理性地寻求对现实的信念、生活态度和生存价值。     

Tools for identifying partisan gerrymandering with an application to congressional districting in Pennsylvania

In League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (2018) the Pennsylvania Supreme Court struck down as a “severe and durable” partisan gerrymander the congressional map drawn by Republicans in 2011 and used in elections from 2012-2016. It did so entirely on state law grounds after a three-judge federal court had rejected issuing a preliminary injunction against the plan. After Pennsylvania failed to enact a lawful remedy plan of its own (due to total disagreement as to how to proceed between the newly elected Democratic governor and the still Republican-controlled legislature), the Court then ordered into place for the 2018 election a map of its own drawn for it by a court-appointed consultant. In a split court, the Court map was endorsed only by judges with Democratic affiliations. Here we compare the 2011 and 2018 congressional maps in terms of a variety of proposed metrics for detecting partisan gerrymandering. We also examine the remedy map proposed by a group of Republican legislators and that proposed by the Democratic governor. We conclude that the 2011 map was a blatant and undisguised pro-Republican gerrymander. Moreover, the remedy map proposed by Republican legislators was a covert pro-Republican gerrymander (what we refer to as a “stealth gerrymander”). The Democratic governor's proposed plan cannot be classified as a pro-Democratic gerrymander and indeed has, if anything, a slight pro-Republican tilt. The 2018 court-drawn remedial map, by all measures, was not a gerrymander.