Ambitious deep energy retrofits of buildings to accelerate the 1.5°C energy transition in Canada

Scientists advise limiting global warming to 1.5°C with substantial actions by 2030. Our viewpoint argues that climate response strategies in Canada have underemphasized and underestimated the potential contribution deep energy retrofits can make to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reductions, leading to inadequate responses in the building sector, and that Canada can (and should) be ambitious with building retrofits over the next decade. GHG savings from building retrofits can be realized more quickly than GHG reductions from other sectors, and either deliver net cost savings or are cost‐effective when compared to other mitigation measures. Retrofits can also provide social and economic benefits, such as improved health and comfort, and lower energy costs. This paper reviews energy use and building retrofits in Canada and argues the following should be implemented: (1) focus innovation on deep energy retrofit processes, not singular retrofit actions; (2) maximize both social and environmental benefits; (3) improve data gathering and availability for analysis and delivery; (4) innovate for a process of decisions and to avoid “dropouts” during the retrofit process; and (5) focus innovation on business models that maximize benefits.     

La mise en forme d'un pôle de haute technologie en proche banlieue: d'un aménagement fonctionnaliste à un urbanisme de créneau.Le cas de Saint-Laurent dans la région métropolitaine de Montréal

De nouvelles formes de développement sont privilégiées dans certains espaces de la proche banlieue des principales métropoles canadiennes. Cette évolution est liée à la maturation de ces espaces sur le plan économique. Par l'étude d'un cas représentatif de cette maturation économique à l'échelle métropolitaine de Montréal, l'arrondissement de Saint-Laurent, nous mettons en valeur l'évolution des stratégies d'aménagement des acteurs du développement pour les deux principales phases de développement du territoire (1950–1980 et 1980–2000). Nous relions l'évolution sur le plan économique du cas étudié et les stratégies d'aménagement des acteurs du développement en nous référant à la thèse de la régulation. Par une méthode de collecte de données de type qualitatif basée sur une analyse documentaire et l'usage d'entretiens avec les acteurs du développement (du secteur privé et municipal), nous comparons les pratiques d'aménagement pour les deux périodes étudiées. En faisant appel à la distinction entre le fordisme et le post-fordisme pour caractériser la maturation économique, nous concluons que l'évolution sur le plan morphologique du territoire est marquée par le passage d'un aménagement fonctionnaliste à un urbanisme de créneau.     

也说师■鼎铭的“困(韋東)伯太师武”

师■鼎铭"困伯太师武"一句的"困(韋東)"二字,原文写法非常奇怪。裘锡圭先生释为"東(韋東)",读为"范围",认为是遵循、效法之意。本文同意把后一字释为"(韋東)",但把前一字改释为"困"。"困(韋東)"也是遵循、效法的意思。     

废甲编区:清初衡山县里甲赋役改革与基层区划的重塑

清初,迭遭兵燹的湖南地区经历了兴垦、均编粮里、清丈等重建赋役秩序的过程。其中,衡山县于康熙四十三年实施的"废甲编区"更是呈现出清初里甲赋役改革的丰富面相。因应偏沅巡抚赵申乔革除里排、滚单催征的举措,衡山县打破原有里甲规制的束缚,改革中坚持粮不过区、就地编区的原则,孕育了字区的地缘性色彩,重塑十七字四百三十七区的赋役区划体系。以康熙五十三年新一轮的清丈为契机,知县葛亮臣在业已建立的区划结构内清查荒籍,使字区成为地方重要的赋役征派和土地登记单位。在这一区域变迁的历史过程中,字区的行政区划功能逐渐得到强化和延续,以赋役征派为目的建立起来的基层赋役区划向实体化与政区化迈进,与之相应的行政话语也深刻地影响着民间契约文本的表达。     

A Hierarchy of Geographies: A Skinnerian Model of Indochina’s Overseas Chinese Congrégations and Their Influence on French Colonialism

In Indochina, overseas Chinese were organized by dialect group into associations called congregations, which shared many of the functions of huiguan in China. The spread of overseas Chinese economic and social networks followed a Skinnerian model in which large urban con?régations wielded more political and economic authority than did smaller, rural con?régations. By examining the impacts of French colonialism upon overseas Chinese networks within Indochina and upon overseas connections with their Chinese native places, this paper proposes that the Skinnerian model of local-system hierarchy fits quite comfortably when applied to the world of French colonial Indochina and its overseas Chinese. Furthermore, it argues that French colonialism actually reinforced the Skinnerian hierarchy of politics and markets in ways that endured long after the collapse of Imperial China.     

Site Reconnaissance in the Kipsing and Tol River Watersheds of Central Kenya: Implications for Middle and Later Stone Age Land-Use Patterns

Two seasons of archaeological site reconnaissance and geo-archaeological fieldwork in the Kipsing and Tol river valleys of central Kenya have resulted in (1) the location of 58 surface sites and 13 spot finds and (2) the excavation and dating of 11 alluvial stratigraphic profiles. These data are incorporated with our previous work in the study area to yield a preliminary interpretation of Middle and Later Stone Age tool technologies and land-use strategies during the Late Pleistocene period there. Specifically, the nature of the lithic inventories and observed distribution of archaeological sites suggests that people in the Middle Stone Age employed a patch choice resource and land-use strategy while those in the subsequent Later Stone Age period utilized a logistical strategy.Pendant deux saisons de la reconnaissance archéologique d'emplacement et des travaux sur le terrain geo-archéologiques les vallées dans de Kipsing et de Tol fleuve du Kenya central ont eu comme conséquence (1) l'endroit de 58 emplacements extérieurs et 13 trouvailles de tache et (2) l'excavation et dater 11 profils stratigraphiques alluviaux. Ces données sont incorporées avec nos travaux précédents dans le secteur d'étude pour rapporter une interprétation préliminaire de milieu et de stratégies postérieures d'utilisation de la terre de technologies d'outil de âge de pierre pendant la période pléistocène en retard là. Spécifiquement, la nature des inventaire lithic et la distribution observée des emplacements archéologiques suggère que les gens dans le âge de pierre moyen aient utilisé un choix de morceau (patch choice) stratégie de ressource et d'utilisation du territoire, alors que ceux dans la période postérieure suivante de âge de pierre utilisaient un logistique stratégie.     

LES SITES WEB DE QUATRE MUNICIPALITÉS FRANÇAISES AU CRIBLE DE LA GÉOGRAPHIE DES REPRÉSENTATIONS

L'objectif de cette étude est d'éclairer la question des représentations municipales sur le Web à partir de l'observation de quatre sites Internet des communes d'lssy-les-Moulineaux, Marly-le-Roi, Metz et Parthenay. Cet échantillon ne se veut pas représentatif de l'ensemble des sites municipaux français dont l'immense majorité ne recouvre qu'une prosaïque vocation promotionnelle (pour caricaturer: venez visiter notre ville, ses spécialités, son musée, ses hôtels, ses restaurants, son église…). Nous avons donc sélectionné quatre sites qui remplissent de fait — grâce notamment à l'investissement personnel de leur maire au projet —à la fois la fonction de vitrine de ce qui «se fait de mieux» en France en matière d'implantation des Technologies d'Information et de Communication dans une commune, et de laboratoire, compte tenu du fait que les quatre expérimentations sont reconnues d'utilités publiques par le ministère de l'Industrie et auréolées du label «autoroute de l'information». L'objectif de cette étude n'est pas de faire une évaluation du projet-laboratoire et de ses impacts socio-spatiaux sur le territoire local, mais s'applique davantage à analyser le projet-vitrine à partir des observations de leur site Web. Elle tente de démontrer comment un projet de développement local novateur passe nécessairement par une mise en visibilité forte sur un média qui est à la fois support et contenu, (média et médium selon une expression macluhanienne) dans un monde, celui de la communication politique, où le discours est partie intégrante de l'action. The objective of this study is to shed light on the question of municipal representation on the Web, based on observations of the Internet of four French ‘communes’: Issy-les-Moulineaux, Marly-le-Roi, Metz and Parthenay. This sample is not representative of all French municipality sites, of which the large majority exist only for promotional uses (‘come and visit our city, its specialties, its museum, its hotels, its restaurants, its church…’). We have chosen four sites which serve - thanks to the personal investments of the cities' mayors in the projects - as showcases of the best examples of the establishment of information and communication technologies in ‘communes’ and as a laboratory. This last, because the Ministry of Industry has recognized that the four experiments are useful to the public and so has given them the name ‘information highway’. The purpose of this study is not to evaluate the laboratory aspect of the projects and their social and spatial impacts on their local territories but to analyze the showcase aspects of the projects, based on observations of the communes' websites. It attempts to demonstrate how new local development projects automatically acquire high visibility in a medium that is both support and content (medium and message, to use McLuhan's expression) in a world of political communication where speech is an integral part of action.     

Québec et la géographie sociale en questions

Questioning Québec through social geography In the early 1960s, two revolutions were underway: the quiet revolution in Québec and the quantitative revolution in geography. Apparently unrelated, these episodes of change probably shared common underlying values associated with modernity. Since then, the transformations experienced in Québec have been interpreted in a multitude of ways, including geographical considerations. Research careers, mine included, have been shaped by this undertaking. All along, I have found that social geography, with the capacity it has to reinvent itself, has helped making sense of this turbulent environment. In the 1970s, exploring the structural dynamics of Canada's social space helped in figuring out the place occupied by Québec in this ensemble. Then, analyzing the historical relationships between cosmopolitan Montréal and provincial Québec City suggested that the oxymoron ‘quiet revolution’ stood for a central process in the cultural dynamics of Québec's social space, where new ideas arriving through Montréal are sifted and institutionalized by the state in Québec City. Nevertheless, Québec City is also capable of initiating progressive urban movements, as illustrated by the odyssey of the Rassemblement populaire de Québec, documented through participant observation. Such urban movements may affect the urban fabric but, as intense and creative social networks, they may affect even more their interacting members, as it seems to have been the case with regard to rapidly evolving gender relations during the last decades. All in all, after more than four decades, I keep the conviction that a practice of social geography that is open to various theories and methods is capable of producing liberating knowledge.     

Electoral redistricting and minority political representation in Canada and the United States

This article compares the political representation of visible minorities in Canada and the United States, focusing on differences in federal redistribution (redistricting) practices and constituency composition. Although the two countries both use territorially‐based electoral systems, they operate under different legal standards and institutional environments for the creation of ridings (districts). In the US, redistricting is a highly political process, yet must respect strict population equality standards. Litigation over redistricting is common, and courts adjudicate voting and representation under a constitutional system enforcing strong individual rights. In contrast, Canada's redistribution process is relatively nonpartisan, permits large population variances among ridings, places more emphasis on community rights, and is seldom subject to extensive court challenges. Despite these differences, the two countries exhibit striking similarities in the overall level of visible minority representation relative to population share. Conversely, Canada's population inequalities among ridings create a systematic disadvantage for visible minorities. Political attention to visible minority representation is stronger in the US, but the means to achieve it are constrained both by the judicial limits on group representation and the constitutional limits on the use of racial identity. Canada has a framework for political representation that could easily accommodate significant visible minority representation but lacks the political imperative to use it, in part because doing so would run counter to Canada's multicultural image of these groups as immigrants rather than as non‐white minorities.