Dies-non: refusal of work in the 21st century

Abstract

My comments aim to cast light on a specific political proposal that can arise from a discussion of the topic of the ‘refusal of work’ and its implications for a social radical change. Autonomist, anarchist and feminist activism, have been and are the main sources of a long-term conceptual and empirical work on the refusal of work. Refusal of work is a very complex concept that has traversed history and is reduced for uncritical dominant common sense to unemployment, laziness, idleness, indolence but it is in reality one of the basic foundational qualification to think any radical change. Among many important intuitions, the added value of Silvia Federici’s work is to have offered a different perspective on the refusal of work discussion and how it can be expressed to develop different forms of communing. Her work provides the backbone for this brief excursion on the issue of the refusal of work. Emerging and consolidated social movements, for example in Southern Europe, have, consciously or not, taken position, often contradictorily, regarding what refusal of work means. In the context of current neoliberal capitalism, an increasing structural unemployment and precarious jobs are one of the trademarks of austerity policies to ‘revive’ economies. Drawing on Federici’s insights on the women exclusion as a useful way of thinking about the spatial dimension of these issues in feminist theory, this article looks at examples of prefigurative politics that define their strategies of refusal of work building significant spatial patterns.     

1965年中国设立的两个特区

<正>在20世纪60年代前期进行的经济调整过程中,中国共产党和政府采取了许多特殊而有效的措施,完成了国民经济调整的任务,度过了困难时期。在调整后期,中国试图在经济管理体制上找出一条新路,改变统得过多过死的局面。为了照顾特殊地区的发展,1965年先后设置了安达特区和攀枝花特区,成为这个时期计划工作中的亮点。一、开发大庆油田与设立安达特区     

Anglo-American Relations: End of a Special Relationship?

Obama's election in 2008 as the United States’ first self-styled Pacific President drew a hearty round of ‘end of the affair’ editorials about Anglo-American relations. His first term was littered with ‘snubgates’, serious irritations in policy areas regarded as being core to the special relationship, and indications of an accelerating US departure from Europe with his premier foreign-policy strategy declared to be a pivot to Asia. His return for a second term in 2013 augers a continuation of first-term adjustments in US foreign policy and greater domestic focus given a divided Congress and a bitterly split and war-weary United States with domestic priorities to the fore. Doomsayers - or so-called terminalists - have been repeatedly gainsaid by the Lazarus-like quality of the relationship in the past but can the Anglo-American special relationship survive in the Obama environment? This article suggests it can and sets out the author's rather unfashionable argument in four parts: the weight of history; the canons of international-relations theory; the importance of considering interest and sentiment in explaining the special relationship's resilience; and a relativist argument that suggests the United States still really does have no better ally than the United Kingdom.     

Warton,George Washington and the Lancashire Roots of the Anglo-American ‘Special Relationship’, C. 1880–1976

This article takes as its starting point the ancestral connection linking George Washington, first president of the United States, to the parish of Warton in north Lancashire. But rather than simply repeating the various details of this ancestry, this article considers instead the ways in which the Warton–Washington connection has been used within acts of ‘commemorative diplomacy’ — informal and often unofficial activities that deploy cultural memory in the interests of international relations. From the antiquarian endeavours of the 1880s, to the Washington-focused commemorations organized during the world wars, to the Bicentenary events of July 1976, places like Warton have long played a vital role in Anglo-American relations. Indeed, what Winston Churchill famously called the ‘special relationship’ has always been a carefully cultivated ‘myth’ as much as a political reality, and thus rooting it in specific places has been essential, ensuring it seems ‘organic’ rather than constructed, real rather than artificial, old and robust rather than new and superficial. Commemorative activities at Warton therefore offer an important perspective on twentieth-century Anglo-American relations, showing how a north Lancashire connection to the first president has provided an invaluable vector for defining, imagining and celebrating the transatlantic ties of the past and present.     

1995年来中国省际入境旅游相对优势演化的空间特征分析

从区位商的角度,通过引入演化概率矩阵,定量的探讨了1995-2005年来中国省际入境旅游相对优势差异的演化情况,并通过对演化概率矩阵的空间分解,分析了空间环境对入境旅游相对优势演化的影响。结果表明,中国省际间入境旅游相对优势存在差异,但这种差异在10年的演化过程中整体上呈现不断下降的态势,差异的变化和政策以及突发事件密切相关。自身的相对优势基础对该地区入境旅游相对优势的演化存在着十分重要的影响,高相对优势基础地区的演化趋向于衰退演化;低相对优势地区的演化趋向于增长演化,且低相对优势基础地区发生突变演化的概率高于高相对优势基础地区。相对优势演化概率在空间上并不独立,东部区域中低相对优势基础地区的增长演化概率明显高于中西部地区,说明东部区域中低相对优势基础地区入境旅游的发展好于中西部地区。区域合作、交通改善、资源开发是演化重要影响因素。     

奥运与旅游相互促进的功能及方式——基于常规旅游价值链与全面营销导向的研究

本文在分析奥运作为全球特大型事件旅游对举办国或举办地具有的集聚性、不确定性、一次性影响特点与常规旅游对接待国或接待地具有平稳性、可持续性影响特点的基础上,运用国内外经验验证说明了奥运特大型事件旅游与常规旅游之间具有重要的互补性与互促性功能,并运用常规旅游价值链与全面营销理论进一步研究说明了如何充分发挥这种互补性与互促性功能的具体方式.     

"特种战争"与中国"援越抗美"的初步酝酿

为了遏制共产主义在东南亚的扩张,维护美国的全球霸权,1961年5月,美国总统肯尼迪公然发动了对越南的“特种战争”。面对美国在“南大门”的战争挑衅,中国政府从无产阶级的国际主义和维护越南独立和统一的立场出发,在政治、经济、外交和军事等方面积极支持越南人民的抗美爱国斗争,并应越南党和政府的请求,开始了“援越抗美”的初步酝酿,最终确立了“美国走一步,中国走一步;美国出兵,中国也出兵”的基本原则和立场。     

简论中日诗歌特质的差异性--以《诗经》与《万叶集》为中心

中日文学特质的差异是灼然显在的,本文追本溯源,通过对《诗经》和《万叶集》的分析比较,探讨了中日文学在诗歌的社会道德功能、咏歌爱情与自然等方面所表现的差异性及其所自。     

论华中抗日根据地的优抚工作

华中抗日根据地十分注重对退伍、伤残军人和抗属的优抚工作:制定优抚法律、政策,设立社会保障机构,开展优抚政策的宣传教育,组织拜年和节日慰问活动,帮助抗属解决生产生活问题,减轻各种税费,抚恤烈士,安置伤残、退伍军人。优抚经费既包括政府拨款,也包括民间筹集。华中抗日根据地优抚工作的特点是:物质与精神保障相结合;适度保障,维持基本生活;对国民党军队一视同仁;把保障与鼓励自力更生相结合。优抚工作对于动员民众参军参战,密切党政军民关系,配合统一战线的开展等方面都具有重要的意义。     

试述明代宫廷史的分期与特点

明代宫廷史是明代历史的重要组成部分,也是故宫学研究的重要内容之一。本文以宫廷中各种势力间的相互关系、帝王本人的执政方式、宦官、内阁与皇帝的关系、宫廷文化的发展变化、国家与宫廷的财政关系及其变化等内容为依据,将明代宫廷史划分为三个阶段,分别为洪武至宣德朝、正统至正德朝、嘉靖至崇祯朝。每一阶段都有各自不同的特点,这些特点的背后则是错综复杂的宫廷史内容。