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In Westminster systems, governments enjoy a privileged position in the lawmaking process that they can use to deliver on their campaign promises and achieve their policy goals. What policy areas do governments seek to affect through lawmaking? How stable is the executive lawmaking agenda? How responsive is that agenda to changes triggered by elections or by transitions in prime minister? This study uses a dataset of 3982 Australian bills introduced between 2000 and 2017 to answer these questions. While it finds considerable stability in the policy content of executive lawmaking agendas, the analysis also indicates that Australia's executive lawmaking agenda is more responsive to changes in prime minister than to changes in the party in power. As the first application of the comparative policy agendas approaches to government bills in Australia, this article offers new insights into executive lawmaking priorities during an especially turbulent period in Australian politics. 相似文献
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在甲午战争中,邓世昌、林泰曾、刘步蟾和丁汝昌等海军将领宁死不屈、战败自杀,其事迹可歌可泣,更发人深省。从他们成长经历和战斗事略,不难洞悉其自杀原因在于传统的忠君思想和荣辱观以及脆弱的国民性格。中国军人特别是各级将领应当知耻而后勇,树立正确的荣辱观,方能立于不败之地。 相似文献
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蔡莲珍 《文物保护与考古科学》2003,15(1):1-6
武王克商年代是我国古代编年中的一个关键点,近年来^14C测定技术有了重要发展,我国^14C测年界在此基础上探讨了^14C方法应用于商周历史纪年的希望。1996年夏商周断代工程正式立项,利用^14C测定判别武王克商年代范围的任务得以实施。1998年初两个常规^14C实验室以3‰测定精度,前后开始对陕西丰镐遗址出土样品^14C测定,并于1998年10月6-7日先后公布了^14C数据,提出武王克商代范围应判别在公元前1050-1020年间。1998年下半年AMS室开始测定。三室测定数据对比结果基本相合,利用殷墟,琉璃河等遗址出土的样品系列作^14C测定得出的结果,与上述年代范围一致。1998年11月30日公布了天计算结果,与测定结果不谋而合,经多方面反复验证,历时近二年,都无法动摇已有的判别结果,具有较高的可信度。 相似文献
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李达 《文物保护与考古科学》2003,15(4):57-65
阳城犁镜是中国传统铁范铸造硕果仅存的活化石。本依据作的调查研究成果,对犁镜冶铸工艺及其历史沿革作了全面的剖析与总结。 相似文献
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本文分析了隋代书法在中国书法史上承前启后的特殊状况,指出隋代北方铭刻的主要成就是逐渐摆脱了前朝篆隶书体而形成了楷书书体,南方的纸书在跃出章草畦径的过程中初步酝酿出草书的章法,楷书已成熟定法。“书”之所以能够有“法”并且成为一门高雅的艺术,是因为隋代完成了“普法阶段”,最好的例证就是智永和隋贤的存世之作。 相似文献
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Playing Politics with Sex Offender Laws: An Event History Analysis of the Initial Community Notification Laws across American States 下载免费PDF全文
Bianca Easterly 《政策研究杂志》2015,43(3):355-378
Despite a decline in crime rates, the 1990s witnessed extensive media coverage of several high‐profile stranger abductions and murders of children. State legislators' swift response to the public's growing fear of sex offenders with the adoption of sex offender registration and notification (SORN) laws raises questions about the role of politics. Punctuated equilibrium theory and the diffusion of innovation jointly provide a context to conduct an event history analysis to assess the extent to which politics enhanced legislative responsiveness to public opinion in SORN policymaking. Contrary to the commonly held belief that attributes legislative interest in SORN to salient crimes against children, the results suggest that factors such as the percentage of a conservative population, district‐level competition, and state innovativeness accelerated the diffusion of innovation of the laws. 相似文献
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Ekaterina E. Kozlova 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2017,31(1):92-117
This article explores Jer 31,15-22, which recapitulates the history of the Babylonian crisis from invasion to exile to manumission. Against traditional “triumphalistic” approaches to this poem that view the restored Israel in its repatriation as a victorious warrior (vv. 21-22), this article argues for a ritual reading of the text. It demonstrates that the need for a ritual response to the Babylonian crisis was so strong that Jeremiah prescribes mourning rites to Judah not only at the time of its demise (v. 15) but also at the time of its manumission from captivity (v. 21). Since the use of laments and other mourning rites in the restoration of “collapse societies” was well attested in the ANE, their appearance in the Book of Consolation as part of the poetic vision of Judah’s reconstitution can also be construed as a socio-religious necessity. 相似文献
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Studies of political attention often focus on attention to a single issue, such as front‐page coverage of the economy. However, examining attention to a single issue without accounting for the agenda as a whole can lead to faulty assumptions. One solution is to consider the diversity of attention; that is, how narrowly or widely attention is distributed across items (e.g., issues on an agenda or, at a lower level, frames in an issue debate). Attention diversity is an important variable in its own right, offering insight into how agendas vary in their accessibility to policy problems and perspectives. Yet despite the importance of attention diversity, we lack a standard for how best to measure it. This paper focuses on the four most commonly used measures: the inverse Herfindahl Index, Shannon's H, and their normalized versions. We discuss the purposes of these measures and compare them through simulations and using three real‐world datasets. We conclude that both Shannon's H and its normalized form are better measures, minimizing the danger of spurious findings that could result from the less sensitive Herfindahl measures. The choice between the Shannon's H measures should be made based on whether variance in the total number of possible items (e.g., issues) is meaningful. 相似文献