Nativism in Late Medieval Norway

Scholars have long regarded nativism – the concerted marginalization of foreigners in preference for natives – as a major factor in Norway’s national movement in the late Middle Ages. While anti-foreign statements and policy reforms introduced by the country’s aristocracy demonstrate the existence and function of nativism in political discourse, historians have exaggerated or misconstrued its role in cases of popular unrest. This article challenges the theory that peasants frequently and ardently resisted foreign officials in the 15th century. Taking the one known case of popular nativism – Amund Sigurdsson’s uprising of 1436–1437 – as reference, it examines another nine well-known incidents of peasant activism in order to determine a similar degree of antipathy toward foreigners. It is argued that while there is very little empirical evidence to support the nativist theory, there is ample material to inspire more focused examination of socio-economic and structural developments, and the role these played in Norway’s turbulent national awakening.     

试论爱尔维娜的反抗

爱尔维娜长期受资本主义文明教化,“理性”意识强大,然而她的“血性”意识也在萌发,二者构成尖锐冲突。她的遭遇表明,文明压抑人的自然本能,把人变成为生活中的死人。她在“血性”意识支配下对文明社会的反抗,为人们指出了一条摆脱死亡命运的道路,体现了作者通过倡导“血性”意识,进而拯救人类的思想。     

从芒砀到丰沛:汉高祖刘邦起兵发微

从丰西纵徒到夺取沛县,刘邦在这两年多时间的活动史书多有阙失。从零散资料发微表明,其间刘邦在芒砀山制造舆论、积聚力量、等待时机,为起兵反秦做准备工作。陈胜、吴广大泽乡起义,天下云集响应,刘邦距张楚政权最近,并与陈胜的重要谋士张耳有故交,但为了独立发展,始终没有与陈胜义军发生任何联系。在夺取沛县之前,应有一个丰邑起兵的过程,这是刘邦正式起兵反秦的开始。     

烟捐与民变:1930年代皖北宿县乡村危机与政府控制

1932年皖北宿县因烟捐引发民变是20世纪30年代国民政府治下乡村危机频发的侧影。民变前,国家政权与乡村精英结合掌控乡村,而精英间为争夺乡村权力展开派系斗争,官民矛盾、绅民矛盾和绅士间矛盾尖锐。皖省政府依靠乡绅课征烟税,劣绅借机盘剥农民,绅民、官民矛盾激化。民变发生后,关系各方展开利益博弈,政府交替运用武力与怀柔之策控制民变,但无助于化解官民矛盾、绅民矛盾、官绅矛盾和乡绅不同派系间的利益纠葛,反致乡村危机在政府控制下被雪藏。乡村危机是国家政治、经济和社会等多元因素交互作用下产生的,并非如学界过往所认同的经济单线性诱致之结果。     

Determinisme et liberte: Approche d'une histoire du conditionnement: La peur de souffrir

The article takes issue with W. G. Runciman's contention, in Great Books, Bad Arguments, that modern political development has moved beyond both theory and practice of governance by a sovereign power over subjects as expounded in Hobbes's Leviathan. Runciman's allegations that Hobbes overrates education, that he fails to recognise the potential for dissent and revolt in a polity under a sovereign, and that he ignores society's pre-political scope and its post-absolutist, eventually democratic prospects, are checked against the text and argument of Leviathan. Runciman's contention that government without subjection has been achieved in modern constitutions is confronted with Hobbes's resistance.     

一位文武兼备的武昌首义豪杰——席正铭及其《冷冷山人集》

席正铭聪颖好学,胸怀大志,在贵阳陆军小学读书时便阅读革命书刊。立志反清。在武昌陆军第三中学期间,组织学生二百多人加入同盟会。武昌起义枪声打响后,他组织600多人的学生军,自任总队长,参加武装战斗。后又追随孙中山,参加反袁斗争;投身护法军政府,受命为黔军总司令。不幸被奸人诱杀。留有诗集一部,是住文武兼备的将军。     

The suppression of the Congo rebellions and the rise of Mobutu, 1963–5

ABSTRACT

The first years of the Congo as an independent state were marked by instability and rebellion as local nationalist struggles became embroiled in what NATO powers feared could lead to the loss of hegemony over the country and its vast mineral wealth, if not into a theatre of Cold War politics. This article focuses on the series of rebellions, including the Mulelist revolt and the Simba uprising, that took place in the Congo from late 1963 into 1965. Belgian, British, and US diplomatic and Congolese military sources are used to analyse the intervention of the West against the Congolese rebels, in support of the Congo government in Léopoldville headed by Prime Minister Tshombe and President Kasa Vubu. Belgian, US, and Congolese sources on this military campaign led by Belgian officers, known as ‘the Ommegang’, allow a detailed analysis of the planning and execution of the assault on the rebel stronghold Stanleyville by Belgian officers, white mercenaries and the forces of the Congo Army, including the decision to deploy Belgian parachutists, dropped by US aircraft. These events culminated in the coup that brought Mobutu to political power in Congo in November 1965, marking out the trajectory of the county's history for the next three decades.     

THE SCANDINAVIAN 1968 IN A EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE

The article compares the events of 1968 in Scandinavia, pointing to the differences and similarities between the Scandinavian countries as well as comparing Scandinavia to the rest of Europe. Within Scandinavia, Norway and Sweden present a Scandinavian model with focus on conflicts between centre and periphery, Maoism and a low level of conflict. In Denmark, the student movement and theoretical Marxism dominated the scene. However, the political context of the three countries and the interplay between mainstream politics and 1968 were rather similar. In Finland, both the political context as well as the movement developed quite differently. The article concludes that the high level of integration of the protest movements makes Scandinavia stand out compared to continental Europe.     

The Roman Marble Sculptures from the Sanctuary of Pan at Caesarea Philippi/ Panias (Israel)

In 2016 Yosef Garfinkel suggested that J.L. Starkey, Director of the Lachish excavations, was murdered in 1938 by men sent by landowners of the mound due to an extended dispute between them and Starkey on payments for permission to dig on the summit of the mound. The present paper presents additional data which support the view that Starkey was murdered by bandits who came from the Hebron area.     

Were the Miao Kings "Prophets of Renewal"? The Case of the 1795-1797 Hunan Miao Revolt

This essay considers the concept of "prophets of renewal" introduced by James Scott in The Art of Not Being Governed:An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (2009),as seen in the context of the 1795-97 Miao revolt along China's Hunan-Guizhou border.The appearance ofa "Miao King" and four "Wu kings" centering anti-Qing resistance in an intractable highland-utilizing native legends,spirit possession,investment of officials,and multi-ethnic recruitment-suggests a case of"Zomia" (the vast Southeast Asian Massif) prophets in action,as Scott himself suggests.Closer examination,however,reveals a more complex and uncertain picture,characterized by division between rival lords and an overall dearth of institutional,ideological,or cosmological elaboration,all further obscured by a paucity of historical sources.The Miao kings might be seen as prophets of renewal in a general sense,but the fit is inexact.There is still value,however,in considering Scott's model in the study of this event.It enables a sharper conceptualization of the agency of the Miao people,while offering a case for comparison with analogous instances of religiously-based native resistance on other Qing frontiers.