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1.
To investigate the kinetics of interfacial energy‐driven fluid infiltration, experiments were carried out in a quartzite–water system at 621–925°C and 0.8 GPa. Infiltration couples were made by juxtaposing presynthesized dry quartzite cylinders and fluid reservoirs. The infiltration process was confirmed by the presence of pores at the quartzite grain edges. As predicted from theoretical considerations and previous experiments, wetting fluids such as pure water and NaCl aqueous solution infiltrated into quartzite, whereas nonwetting CO2‐rich fluids did not. Newly precipitated quartz layers at the surfaces of the infiltrated sample proved that infiltration took place by a dissolution–precipitation mechanism. The enhancement of grain growth by fluid infiltration was observed over the entire range of experimental temperatures. The fluid fraction, gauged by the porosity of the run products, increases at the infiltration front and then decreases towards the fluid reservoir to form a high‐porosity zone with a maximum porosity of 2.3–2.9%. As infiltration proceeds, the high‐porosity zone advances like a travelling wave. This porosity wave is probably caused by a grain curvature gradient resulting from preferential grain growth in the infiltrated part of the quartzite, perhaps combined with other factors. The infiltration kinetics were modelled with a steady‐state diffusion model over the high‐porosity zone. The solubility difference between dissolving and precipitating grains was deduced to be 2 × 10?2?3 × 10?1 wt %. The experimentally obtained infiltration rate of aqueous fluid in the steady‐state diffusion regime (2 ± 0.5 × 10?8 m sec?1 at 823°C) is much faster than the estimated metamorphic fluid flux rates, so that interfacial energy‐driven fluid redistribution in quartz‐rich layers could significantly contribute to the fluid flux in high‐grade metamorphism, at least over a short distance. Cathodoluminescence observations of the run products revealed that the grain growth of quartzite in the presence of fluid proceeds extensively, which would promote the chemical equilibration between fluid and rock more effectively than would volume diffusion in quartz crystals.  相似文献   
2.
Resource towns often exist on a knife‐edge, largely depending upon global demand for their resource/s and, at the same time, playing a critical role in the development of a nation. The transition from single resource towns to diversified economies has been modelled on several occasions, but their application to other resource locales is difficult given the unique interplay of geographic, political, social, and economic factors. Nonetheless, Innis' Canadian staples theory may explain the political motivations of resource extraction and exportation, not least in relation to the Western Australia Goldfields. This paper seeks to explore the theory's potential in this context by examining the implications of high labour mobility. It employs a two‐step process using, first, a social network analysis to map the entire Australian labour commuting network and, second, a regression analysis of commuting, regional wealth, and population size against population change. While the Goldfields historically grew in line with processes described by Innis' theory, contemporary high labour mobility has created a variegated landscape of different development dynamics and trajectories. This finding carries implications for network patterns of residence and work. Labour acts to extend the distribution of wealth by sending incomes to the metropolitan core and to amenity‐rich regional towns across the State and nation. In such light, regional development scholars must view the resource town in its broader urban system of distinct but interlocked, and sometimes overlapping, activity nodes.  相似文献   
3.
The politics toward Rom minorities in Italy is marked by a binary of recognition: on one hand, there exists the recognition of a nomad identity (present in various institutional practices), on the other a recognition of a cultural identity of Rom and Sinti (exemplified by many associations, either pro-Gypsy or Gypsy). But in the case of Melfi the predominant politics is a decisive refusal of recognition by Melfitani and Melfitani of Gypsy origins. The situation in Melfi should be read as the logical conclusion of a long process of assimilation which led to the dissolution of the historical Rom community.  相似文献   
4.
This study challenges the conventional correlation between economic performance and the level of the development of social security systems. By focusing on China's urban areas, we provide an overview of the components and benefits, from a comparative perspective, of China's current social security system. We also create a comprehensive and generally applicable method using factors such as economics and population, among others, as standards to evaluate the efficacy of China's system. In order to demonstrate our primary hypothesis – that the Chinese Communist Party government has to modify its social security system to adapt to or bring about changes in the basis of its legitimacy – we analyse Chinese social security records and other related data after 1949 by statistical methods. The formula we provide in this study can be used to forecast China's expenditure on its urban social security system, and other scholars can apply our methods to countries in which conditions are broadly similar.  相似文献   
5.
Abstract

Whereas recent studies have correctly identified a clan-based social structure presumed in the place names of the Samaria Ostraca, an analysis of the power relations within these structures has not been sufficiently developed. Approaching the evidence from a consumption perspective of the commodities for yn y?n (‘aged wine’) and ?mn r?? (‘washed oil’) suggests that the economic significance of these items is tied to complex social interactions. Specifically, both archaeological and ethnographic studies associate such prestige commodities with elite feasting and ceremonial displays. By gifting these items, the central power engaged in a form of ‘competitive feasting’ to secure political capital for future use from clan leaders of the periphery of Samaria. Accordingly, the Samaria Ostraca hint at the use of redistributive mechanisms to secure power relations at elite gatherings.  相似文献   
6.
Neo-Liberalism as Creative Destruction   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
Neoliberalization has swept across the world like a vast tidal wave of institutional reform and discursive adjustment, entailing much destruction, not only of prior institutional frameworks and powers, but also of divisions of labor, social relations, welfare provisions, technological mixes, ways of life, attachments to the land, habits of the heart, ways of thought, and the like. To turn the neoliberal rhetoric against itself, we may reasonably ask: in whose particular interests is it that the state take a neoliberal stance and in what ways have these particular interests used neoliberalism to benefit themselves rather than, as is claimed, everyone, everywhere? Neoliberalism has spawned a swath of oppositional movements. The more clearly oppositional movements recognize that their central objective must be to confront the class power that has been so effectively restored under neoliberalization, the more they will likely themselves cohere.  相似文献   
7.
Although many are under the impression that income inequality in Hong Kong has been continually on the rise, the picture presented by official statistics is mixed. This article suggests that official statistics, due to limitations in their design, have underestimated the impact of the top earners. Utilising taxation data, a continuous and strong growth in inequality can be identified when the distribution among taxpayers is considered, providing an alternative picture of inequality in Hong Kong. It is argued that the surge in income inequality is driven in part by the rich earning more rather than by more people becoming rich. The Hong Kong government, instead of adopting redistributive measures to alleviate the situation, has exacerbated inequality through policy choices that strongly favour the richest group. Although these actions might be explained in relation to the political influence wielded by the business sector and the upper class, the social implications of inequality cannot be neglected. Apart from a stronger demand for democracy, perceptions of income inequality and the pro-rich bias in the political system significantly affect people’s political views, as seen in the support for the recent Occupy Movement.  相似文献   
8.
This article compares the political representation of visible minorities in Canada and the United States, focusing on differences in federal redistribution (redistricting) practices and constituency composition. Although the two countries both use territorially‐based electoral systems, they operate under different legal standards and institutional environments for the creation of ridings (districts). In the US, redistricting is a highly political process, yet must respect strict population equality standards. Litigation over redistricting is common, and courts adjudicate voting and representation under a constitutional system enforcing strong individual rights. In contrast, Canada's redistribution process is relatively nonpartisan, permits large population variances among ridings, places more emphasis on community rights, and is seldom subject to extensive court challenges. Despite these differences, the two countries exhibit striking similarities in the overall level of visible minority representation relative to population share. Conversely, Canada's population inequalities among ridings create a systematic disadvantage for visible minorities. Political attention to visible minority representation is stronger in the US, but the means to achieve it are constrained both by the judicial limits on group representation and the constitutional limits on the use of racial identity. Canada has a framework for political representation that could easily accommodate significant visible minority representation but lacks the political imperative to use it, in part because doing so would run counter to Canada's multicultural image of these groups as immigrants rather than as non‐white minorities.  相似文献   
9.
A geographer discusses changes in the ownership of state and collectivized rural land in post-communist Romania. In an analysis based on historical and recent ownership data as well as on the author's interviews with 205 landholders from East and West Romania, local officials, as well as politicians, the study examines how the country's rural land has been redistributed after 1989. The combination of restitution and distribution is singled out as the unique feature of the Romanian land reform that sets it apart from the less equitable procedures adopted by other post-communist countries. Similarly different, as noted in the paper, is the high share of Romania's agricultural sector in the country's labor force. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P32, Q15, Q24. 4 figures, 4 tables, 38 references.  相似文献   
10.
Immigrants play a substantial role in the overall population redistribution in Sweden today. Due to the tendencies of immigrants to concentrate in the major metropolitan areas, a policy of dispersal has been implemented. The purpose of this article is to analyze the redistribution of immigrants within Sweden, using different-sized groups of people, who entered under different immigration policy regimes and with different reasons to immigrate. Our results indicate that the rate of deconcentration depends not only on the size of the groups and the time spent in the country, but also on the settlement policy practised at the time of arrival.
Les immigrants jouent à présent un rôle important dans la redistribution globale de la population en Suède. À cause de leurs tendances à se concentrer dans les principales régions urbaines, une politique visant à les disperser a été mise en oeuvre. Dans cet article on fait l'analyse de la redistribution des immigrants à l'intérieur de la Suède en examinant des groupes de taille variable, qui ont immigré dans différentes circonstances politiques et pour des raisons différentes. Nos résultats indiquent que la vitesse de déconcentration dépend de la taille du groupe et du temps passé dans le pays, ainsi que de la politique de localisation qui était en vigueur lorsque les immigrants sont arrivés.  相似文献   
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