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Visual and cultural modes of expression and intercultural engagement have broad implications for recognition politics. Recognition-based strategies for the governance of Indigenous difference in settler colonies engage in an economy of perception that capitalises on the currency of inclusion and diversity. This paper explores the visual and cultural fields of recognition politics in the Canadian settler state through the examples of the 2008 Apology from the federal government for Indian Residential Schools and the stained-glass window – Giniigaaniimenaaning (Looking Ahead) by Métis artist Christi Belcourt – commissioned to commemorate the Apology. The paper uses Judith Butler’s concepts of recognisability and framing to make sense of these events as legitimations of settler colonialism. It goes on to explore the possibility of rupture in the inherent instability of ‘frames of recognition’, in Butler’s terms, and uses Jolene Rickard’s conceptualisation of visual sovereignty to also make sense of the simultaneous subversion and self-recognition that takes place in Belcourt’s artwork. In doing so, this paper furthers a critical dialogue surrounding the normativity of recognition policies and practices in Canada as well as the intersubjective or interpellative orientation of visual-cultural expressions of recognition.  相似文献   
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This article explores different understandings of reconciliation within the context of modern treaty making in British Columbia, focusing on the role of the BC treaty process in resolving the longstanding dispute between Aboriginal Peoples and the Crown over rights to land. Although the treaty process was created to reconcile competing interests in the land, Crown and Aboriginal negotiators often have contradictory understandings of how this reconciliation is to take place. Drawing on a case study of the Hul’qumi’num Peoples, a group of Coast Salish First Nations, I examine how different understandings and approaches to reconciliation impede progress at the treaty table. I conclude that progress towards treaty and reconciliation in this case will require coming to terms with the Hul’qumi’num territory's colonial history and geography, something that the current treaty process actively avoids, plus the crafting of a treaty agreement that allows for a more equal sharing of the burden that colonialism has created in this place. More particularly, meaningful reconciliation will require a fuller recognition of Aboriginal title and rights across the breadth of the territory and a commitment to meaningful compensation of Hul’qumi’num Peoples for the wrongful taking of their lands.  相似文献   
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《Political Theology》2013,14(6):873-893
Abstract

This article takes a critical look at the experience of the Christian Churches during the time of the Rwandan genocide between 6 April and mid July 1994. It is established that in about 100 days about one million people faced death at the hands of soldiers, militias and ordinary civilians. Most victims were killed in churches and other church premises where they had gathered in hope of protection. The genocide in Rwanda was extensive both in its scale and execution. In this article we attempt to understand why and how the churches were involved in the killings, and the implications of such involvement in contemporary efforts towards reconciliation.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Albania spent much of the 20th century under one of Europe’s most ideologically repressive regimes. In order to justify and ostensibly protect this system, the Albanian Communist regime (1944–1992) constructed a massive array of defensive works, which formed a major piece of the Hoxhaist (after Enver Hoxha) aesthetic. Twenty years after the fall of Communism, Albanians have gained the freedom to travel abroad, but have largely avoided addressing the legacy of this difficult past within their own society. Based on the theory that some aspects of traumatic memory can be addressed through confronting and re-signifying material heritage, we explore some localized cases in order to comprehend the roots of this concrete legacy, combining theoretical analysis with field experiences in collaboration with the Gjirokastra Foundation. We suggest one possible approach to the difficult process of creating open community dialogue to deal with the scars of a traumatic past and thus begin the healing process.  相似文献   
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Attacks on built cultural heritage often occur during times of armed conflict. Many such acts are not collateral damage, but rather are deliberate and ideologically driven assaults intended to eradicate the adversary’s identity and collective memory. They represent ‘urbicide’ and ‘identicide’. The victims typically attempt to mitigate the loss, frequently by reconstructing the lost historic place and thereby restoring tangible evidence of their identity. Reconstruction, however, is itself an ideological act and a destructive activity, since it erases memories of the violence and removes physical evidence. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation has commemorated several cultural heritage sites that have been destroyed and subsequently reconstructed, by inscribing them on the World Heritage List. Although this ensures the perpetuation of their memory, it may distort the original purpose of the list as a celebration of ‘outstanding universal value’. Beyond commemoration, a desired outcome is reconciliation. True reconciliation requires the release of anger and pain, so that memories of the violence may be retained without a desire for retribution. This article looks at a selection of acts intended at destroying cultural heritage, including some that did not occur during war, and examines means and motives for achieving mitigation and reconciliation.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The subsistence lifeways of the Tr’ondëk Hwëch’in, a First Nation in northwestern Canada, were radically challenged by the arrival of settler colonialism during the Klondike Gold Rush (1896–98). This Yukon First Nation has subsequently faced down a powerful array of Western heritage activities and commemorations, both local and national, designed to absorb them into modernity. Through a conscious and continuous programme of heritage-making, the citizens of the First Nation have re-asserted their territorial sovereignty and maintained and adapted their cultural identity to changing circumstances. Their heritage-making strategies are illustrated through a review of their call for a treaty, the creation of new instruments for carrying and expressing their cultural identity and their more recent programme of support for the survivors of the Canadian Government’s Indian Residential Schools.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

How theological is political theology? Twentieth century American Protestantism illustrates that the answer depends on more than the extent to which a political theology is theological. For example, Walter Rauschenbusch and subsequent emancipatory political theologians understand theology's political significance very differently than John Howard Yoder and other political theologians influenced by the Radical Reformation. Nevertheless, both groups conceive the Christian gospel as a politics and so concur that Christian theology is essentially political. By contrast, Reinhold Niebuhr interpreted the gospel as disclosure of God's mercy and therefore denied that Christian theology is primarily a politics--for society or the church. Hence, although all three of these political theologies are thoroughly theological, they are not political in the same manner or for the same reasons. Accordingly, in addition to quantitative considerations, ascertaining theology's place in political theology involves discerning how a political theology is theological and why a theology is political.  相似文献   
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Comparatively little work has been done on how Abraham Lincoln has been represented in American cinema. Yet movies have been a major – and during the first half of the twentieth century probably the major – influence on how his memory has been constructed in American popular culture. This article analyzes changing representations of Lincoln on screen, showing that differing cinematic constructions of the sixteenth president were shaped by a range of factors, including popular biographies and the biases of directors. They also echoed salient issues of the era in which they were produced and more general changes in American attitudes.  相似文献   
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In the 1990s, numerous religious monuments were destroyed in former Yugoslavia. National heritage formed one of the main targets of ethnic cleansing, literally removing the symbolic markers of ethnic groups. Responding to this destructive use of heritage, the Council of Europe and the European Commission introduced the Regional Programme on Cultural and Natural Heritage in south-east Europe. By means of this programme, they seek to change local perceptions on heritage and instigate debates about uses of the past. The premise is that only by learning from past conflicts will the region be able to continue its path to EU integration. However, progress of the programme is slow. Discussions about the interpretation of the past, let alone of a shared past, are largely avoided. The reconciliatory function of heritage that the two European actors aspire to is still hard to find. By taking Serbia as a case study, this article presents some of the typical difficulties that one can expect to encounter when heritage is used as an instrument for reconciliation in an area where reconciliation is still seen as a challenging and threatening process.  相似文献   
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