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乾隆初滇省代京铸钱失败原因浅析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文章通过对乾隆初年滇省代京铸钱之具体情况的考察,认为滇省代京铸钱是清政府为扭转铸钱严重亏损而采取的一项铸币政策。但滇省代京铸钱较之京局直接鼓铸反而增加了铸钱成本。实行滇省代京铸钱后,清政府铸钱开始盈利,但这并非滇省代京铸钱所致,而是清政府对云南铜矿实行垄断经营、压低铜价,即钱局使用滇铜鼓铸的结果。实际上,在使用滇铜为原料的前提下,京局直接鼓铸较之滇省代京铸钱更能节省成本,这是清政府停止滇省代京铸钱的基本原因。同时也说明清政府于乾隆初年实行滇省代京铸钱存在着决策性失误。 相似文献
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AbstractA carnelian pebble stamp seal excavated by Macalister at Gezer and believed lost, and a seal kept today in the Bible Lands Museum in Jerusalem, are one and the same. A cast of the original kept by the Palestine Exploration Fund in London proves to be identical to the seal in Jerusalem. The unique iconography of the seal showing a man in a cultic gesture in front of a griffin, as well as its stylistic details, show it to be an Assyrianized product of the late eighth or seventh century bc, possibly of local production. 相似文献
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Lee Briscoe Thompson 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(1):56-85
This article ponders the quest for a new Quebec constitution. It critically analyzes a proposed Quebec constitution introduced as a bill in Quebec's National Assembly in 2007 1 and probes the meaning and significance of such a provincial constitution. It makes some comparisons of Quebec's current constitution with those of other provinces and concludes by reflecting on the political prospects and legal effects of such a proposed new constitution. The adoption of a new Quebec constitution, along the lines proposed in 2007 and 2008, should not significantly alter Canada's constitutional order under Canadian law or affect Quebec's current constitutional arrangements with Ottawa and the other provinces. Such a new constitution might, however, come to prevail over other Quebec laws. The objectives of the proposed new constitution are to forge and reinforce Quebecers' sense of a common political identity. The project, however, is not currently at the forefront of discussion. 相似文献
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Silvana R. Siddali 《American Nineteenth Century History》2019,20(1):19-40
My paper argues that delegates to antebellum western state constitutional conventions, in both slave and free states, expressed violent, even homicidal ideas about free black people. They predicted and described mass exterminations, lynching, and even a race war. These delegates sought to enshrine coercive measures in their state constitutions, including re-enslavement and forcible removals, and they employed ferocious language to support their arguments. My paper explores the delegates’ efforts to mount legal and constitutional justifications for violence toward free black people. I compare the language in antebellum western conventions to coeval debates in other regions. Although no state legitimized lynching, let alone genocide, these debates provide a useful window into the delegates’ efforts to find constitutional justifications for the removal – or even extermination – of free black people from the new western states. 相似文献
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James Farney 《The American review of Canadian studies》2017,47(1):74-88
Canada’s religious landscape has changed a great deal over the last forty years and, in most provinces, educational institutions have changed to accommodate this social shift. The articles reviews the divergent ways in which educational regimes have responded to this change and then turns to an examination of the one province in which little has changed regarding religious schools, Ontario. Ontario’s educational structure, which has continued to publicly support only a secular and Roman Catholic separate school systems in one of the most religiously diverse jurisdictions on the planet, is a surprising example of institutional rigidity in the face of societal change. This article highlights the peculiarity of this outcome, attempts to explain this surprising example of institutional continuity, and considers its implications for Canadian secularism more broadly. 相似文献
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1901年9月,清廷应两广总督陶模奏请,谕令各省设大学堂,前因虽是戊戌变法期间康有为倡言在省会改书院为高等中学,却是混淆专门学的高等学与大学,令疆臣们进退维谷。袁世凯率先想出挂羊头卖狗肉之策,以大学的名义办中小学的正斋、备斋,化两难为两便。各省争相跟进,纷纷效法,上演了一出君臣之间心照不宣的闹剧。壬寅、癸卯学制拨乱反正,重回各省高等学堂的轨道。不过,作为普通学向专门学的过渡,来自日本特有的高等学堂究竟应该是一省教育的最高学府,还是大学堂的预科,直到民初仍然聚讼纷纭,摇摆不定。而各方就此展开的争论,对于时下平衡基础教育与高等教育的衔接,仍有借鉴作用。 相似文献
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Jérémie Cornut 《The American review of Canadian studies》2016,46(2):162-175
ABSTRACTBecause of France’s unique role in Quebec’s international relations, any study of Quebec’s emergence on the international scene necessarily involves an analysis of this relationship. This article proposes an examination of Canada–France–Quebec relations in the decades following de Gaulle’s resignation in 1969. Several scholars focus on France’s implicit support for Quebec independence, considering that to be the essential ingredient of their “special relationship,” whereas I demonstrate that the foregoing interpretation overlooks the fact that France began to withdraw from the Canadian internal debate soon after de Gaulle’s resignation. During the last forty years, France’s abstention from interfering in Canadian internal affairs enabled both the flourishing of Quebec diplomacy and the deepening of the France–Quebec relationship. 相似文献
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J. P. Lewis 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(4):478-494
One of the most influential tools that the state wields in developing citizenship is public education. The 19 royal commissions and major reports on education completed in provinces across Canada between 1947 and 1994 offer valuable insight into what the Canadian state conceives as ideal citizenship. The following work attempts to answer two research questions: (1) When do provincial governments desire to change the direction of education (and construction of citizens)?; and (2) How do provincial governments define the ideal citizen once reform is initiated? This essay finds that through three eras of reform, the pedagogical focus on citizenship moved from the individual to the community to a diluted form with no unifying vision. The sum of these attempts at change and conceptions of ideal citizenry leads one further from an accepted meaning of the continually elusive notion of Canadian citizenship. 相似文献