Multiple-clause petitions to the English parliament in the later Middle Ages: instruments of pragmatism or persuasion?

This discussion considers how and why some parliamentary private petitions were written as lists of separate requests or complaints between the late thirteenth and mid-fifteenth centuries. These petitions constitute a small, but visually distinctive, sub-group of The National Archives series SC 8 (‘Ancient Petitions’). Although the practicalities of writing complicated requests were often a key factor, the article argues that other more subtle considerations could lead to the adoption of a ‘multiple-clause’ petition: it could be part of a rhetorical strategy; it might have been determined by bureaucratic expediency; or it could indicate co-operation between petitioners with a common cause. Overall, the discussion contributes to our understanding of the mechanics of writing petitions in the late medieval period and it offers new insights into the strategies adopted by petitioners to gain a favourable outcome to their requests.     

Giuseppe Antonio Borgese and Italian propaganda abroad

After the outbreak of war, public and private institutions in Italy embarked on various propaganda projects without coordination. It was not until Vittorio Emanuele Orlando became prime minister (from 30 October 1917 to 23 June 1919) that the first serious efforts were made to organize propaganda abroad. G. A. Borgese, a contributor to the Corriere della Sera, took an active role in the defense of Italian intervention in the war and was assigned various missions abroad, commissioned by the editor of the newspaper and, after this first experience, by the army and naval authorities, and by Orlando himself. His unpublished report Dello spirito pubblico in Francia, written at the end of his mission to Paris in March and April 1917, describes Italian propaganda efforts in France and French public opinion on Italy and the Italians, making it an important text that reveals both the problematic relations between Italy and France and the mistakes and shortcomings of Italian propaganda.     

Power in Australian foreign policy

The 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper emphasises the importance of ‘maximising’ Australia’s power and influence. However, the White Paper and much of the commentary on Australian foreign policy do not clearly conceptualise ‘power’ or indicate how it ought to be increased. The Lowy Institute’s recent Asia Power Index implies one possible strategy via its resource-based approach to measuring power. We outline a different approach and argue that power should be conceptualised and evaluated as a specific relationship causing behavioural change, rather than as a general attribute of its wielder. To complement the Lowy Institute’s carefully catalogued database, and facilitate a more focused conversation about maximising power and influence in Australian foreign policy, we offer a typology identifying five pathways through which states can translate their material and non-material resources into outcomes that serve the national interest.     

A new rhetoric for a decolonial world

In this essay, I expand on the notion that defining rhetoric in terms of persuasion promotes violence. I contend that the making of any kind of postcolonial world needs to begin with ending violence, beginning with the most insidious kinds of violence, such as the violence found in too much of our rhetorical and communicational practices. Integral to the making of any kind of postcolonial world needs to be the creation and propagation of a new rhetoric that discourages and delegitimises violence. In this essay, I discuss the beginnings of such a rhetoric and how we can begin to realise and promote such a rhetoric.     

Persuasion,Partisanship and Evaluations of National Conditions and Governmental Impact: An Experimental Study

The current study considers the circumstances under which opinions about national issue conditions and government impact on those conditions might be influenced. Using an experimental framework, we examine the effectiveness of messages on a variety of policy issues important to the 2015 Canadian Federal election campaign. The messages consist of a statement about the country’s performance on a variety of issues, accompanied by a relevant image, which together convey either a positive or negative message about issue conditions in Canada. We then evaluate the extent to which messages affect opinions about policy conditions in Canada as well as evaluations of government impact on these policy issues. Finally, we consider whether the effect of the messages is moderated by the partisan leanings of individual voters. We focus upon five policy areas that, we argue, were among the most germane to the 2015 election: the economy, health care, the environment, immigrants and minorities, and national security. Our findings have implications for the literature on issue-ownership, agenda-setting, opinion persuasion, and the attribution of responsibility for national performance.     

The Presentation of the Speaker of the Commons in Tudor Parliaments: Pageantry,Persuasion and Management*†

This article analyses the presentation of the Commons’ Speaker in the Tudor age. It traces the medieval origins of this ceremony, arguing that it served not only as an opportunity for flamboyant rhetoric, but also as a politically significant event designed to impress upon the Commons its inferiority in the parliamentary hierarchy. The article also suggests that Elizabethan Speakers used their orations as a means of presenting counsel to the queen herself.