新中国土地改革后新富农产生的规模与分布研究

从土地改革结束到农业集体化高潮前夕,新富农的出现从全国范围来看是稀少而缓慢的。在各省之间,农民的富裕程度与新富农比重大小关系不明显,但在同一地区内来看,两者呈现正相关关系。同时,在农业合作化程度较高亦即是较早对新富农采取限制政策的地区,新富农的比重并不一定低于甚至高于其他地区。这说明多种因素对新富农的产生、发展发生作用,单因素的分析不能解释清楚新富农这个复杂的社会经济问题。     

为了平等而不平等——从学校向工农开门看新中国的教育平等努力(1949—1965)

中国共产党自成立起就把争取工农群众受教育权利和受教育机会作为己任。新中国人民民主专政政权的建立,使广大人民获得了平等的受教育权,但是长期以来工农教育劣势却不是自然而然就能改变的。学校向工农开门就是中国共产党为增加工农受教育机会、实现真正的教育平等而做出的一种努力。在实践中,虽然采取了各种优先照顾工农青年、工农子女入学的措施,但是工农入学机会尤其是高等学校入学机会却一直不能与其他群体相比肩。于是,1958年以后学校向工农开门力度进一步加大,并且随着阶级路线的贯彻,一些"剥削阶级"子女接受高等教育机会受到限制。这就使新中国教育平等的价值追求呈现"为了平等而不平等"的特点。     

Allied escapers and the contadini in occupied Italy (1943 – 5) 1

Abstract

The little-known ‘great escape’ of Allied prisoners-of-war (some 50,000) held in Italian camps at the time of the armistice of 8 September 1943 provides the starting-point for a fresh interpretation of popular and peasant experience during the emergency of 1943 – 5. The article explores some of the main aspects of the ‘strange alliance’ between Allied fugitives and the Italian population, with particular attention to the mutual symbolic appropriation between former ‘enemies’ in the midst of a civil war and related collapse of the state.     

Parliament and the People in Medieval England

This article traces the relationship between parliament and the ordinary people of medieval England, mainly peasants but including townsmen, between about 1270 and 1450. In charting the early history of representation prior to 1270, it outlines the transition from representation of the people by the country's magnates, to the socially broader system of representation through the election of shire knights and town burgesses. Two themes emerge: the growth of the electorate, from the probable presence of freeholders among the electors in the county court under Edward I, to the enfranchisement of the 40s. freeholders by the famous statute of 1430; and the changing nature of petitions to parliament, from the complaints of individuals to those presented by the Commons on behalf of the nation. In the history of both these themes, the Black Death and subsequent plagues marked a turning point. In drastically reducing the population, the plagues brought prosperity to many of the peasant survivors – men who sought a place among the electorate in the early 15th century. And in threatening the income of the gentry through higher labour costs, the plagues fundamentally changed the attitude of the Commons in parliament towards the people. Until about 1350, the Commons had spoken up for their interests, in the face of Edward III's oppressive wartime demands; but from that time onwards, the Commons set their collective face against the rising claims of a potentially more prosperous people. The article pays special attention to the position of the villeins, whose relationship with parliament differed considerably from that of the freeholders.     

论陈独秀对中国近代农民的认识

在1938年前,陈独秀对近代农民作用的认识的总体思想趋势经历了一个由否定而肯定的转变过程,但他的肯定是留有余地的,他将农民的作用限定在一定的范围内.之所以如此,坚守十月革命的城市道路是一个根本的原因.他对农民的缺点始终有清醒的认识,这是他认识近代中国农民的思想主线.为克服农民的缺点,他一方面主张以解除农民痛苦、改善农民生活作为他们参加抗战的前提,另一方面主张联合中小农民或称参加劳动的"贫农",坚决地反对富农和游民无产阶级.这些观点构成了大革命失败后他的托派思想基础.但他对农民缺点的正视亦具有一定的借鉴意义.     

信访工作在建国初期社会建设中的作用

建国后人民群众通过来信来访的方式向党和政府反映大量的社会问题,主要集中在失业问题、干部的官僚主义和违法乱纪问题以及三农问题。信访工作在建国初期对于化解各种社会矛盾和推动社会建设起了重要作用。     

试析人民公社化运动中党对农民的思想教育

“大跃进”时期党对农民进行的思想教育促进了人民公社化运动的迅速展开。人民公社化运动中,党的权威、组织基础以及“大跃进”的全面展开为党对农民进行的思想教育提供了有利的社会条件;广大农民易于接受党的教育,但仍存在着文化水平低等问题;农村基层干部自身也有很大不足,政治热情过高,但工作认真、努力;电影、报纸、有线广播等过热宣传共产主义的即将实现,加上农村开展的社会主义和共产主义教育运动、全民学哲学等,使广大农民打破传统,以前所未有的热情投入到人民公社化运动中。     

严重的问题是教育农民——建国初期中共克服"李四喜思想"的成功经验

1951年7月18日,<新湖南报>发起了关于土改后农村出现的农民埋头生产不问政治及乡村干部松气退坡的"李四喜思想"的大讨论,持续达5个多月,在湖南乃至全国农村产生了巨大影响.这场讨论是建国后中共第一次真正意义上对农民自私、狭隘思想的批评运动,也是第一次真正地对农民及乡村干部进行的思想教育活动.在这场讨论中,中共逐步积累了用民主教育、典型示范、改进领导方法、切实解决乡村干部实际困难等方式解决农民思想问题的成功经验.这些成功的历史经验构成了建国以后中共教育和改造农民的基本思路.     

四清运动动员模式的政治社会学分析

在四清运动中,随着阶级斗争意识形态的迅猛拓展,工作队—贫协从社会动员主体迅即转变为基层社会的非常规权力组织。工作队—贫协的成长过程、内部结构、运作程序和行为内容,显示了它在运动中的意义:彰显中央政权与基层政权之间的信任危机,填补权力真空并成为权力更替的让渡载体,使重建后的基层政权在社会治理中更加依附于中央政权,从而强化了中央政权对基层社会的控制。因此,与其说这是新一轮的自觉“革命”,不如说是中央政权重构并巩固其权威基础的社会治理行为,而阶级斗争意识形态不过是一层包裹罢了。     

Common Recollections: Resisting Enclosure “by Agreement” in Seventeenth-Century England

Through the enclosure of upland common wastes, an upwardly mobile yeomanry and lesser gentry sought to shift the emphases of local economies toward agrarian capitalism and strove to establish tighter control over burgeoning rural industries. An examination of the township of Castleton in the Pennine uplands of Derbyshire, where the 1691 enclosure proceedings and survey still survive, demonstrates that the typical historical view of such (non-Parliamentary) enclosure agreements is highly problematic. Confronted with the loss of customary common rights, poorer Castleton tenants were compelled to enclose strips within the open arable fields in order to husband animals. By attempting to preserve routines of daily life, however, they also resisted enclosure—through the conservation of common rights and customary practices and through efforts to maintain continuity in agricultural and lead-extraction activities.