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1.
The focus in this article, through a reading of the German-Australian newspaper Der Kosmopolit, is on the legacies of entangled imperial identities in the period of the nineteenth-century German Enlightenment. Attention is drawn to members of the liberal nationalist generation of 1848 who emigrated to the Australian colonies and became involved in intellectual activities there. The idea of entanglement is applied to the philosophical orientation of the German-language newspaper that this group formed, Der Kosmopolit, which was published between 1856 and 1957. Against simplistic notions that would view cosmopolitanism as the opposite of nationalism, it is argued that individuals like Gustav Droege and Carl Muecke deployed an entangled ‘cosmo-nationalism’ in ways that both advanced German nationalism and facilitated their own engagement with and investment in Australian colonial society.  相似文献   
2.
The nature of these newspaper reports – that is, the character of their principal content – has never been studied, despite its obvious importance and, as we shall see, its marked differences from our Hansard. This article relates their nature to a vital feature of parliamentary leadership, the ability to lead the argument in debate. The practical reasoning in parliamentary deliberation and justification, especially what speakers contributed towards the outcome or ‘the sense of the debate’, predominated in these reports. This implied a need for reporters to concentrate on the ‘substance’ of speeches and their bearing on the motion. One result was that speeches which were judged to define or develop arguments pro and con were treated at length, the defining speeches most extensively and others in proportion to what they added. Conversely, speeches which reiterated known positions or which were irrelevant to the arguments in hand were omitted or downplayed, even if they were important in some other way, while whole debates which added little to ongoing discussion could be treated quite briefly. But if being a front bencher did not guarantee coverage, being a back bencher was no bar: the criterion was the importance of a speaker's contribution, while the manner of coverage accented what was contributed. The reporters’ concerns emphasized debates that promised significant change in matters of national importance, but gave relatively little attention to recurrent or localised business as such. Their writing – they were known as debate writers or news-writers – was interpretation answering to evaluative and selective criteria rather than a record in a simple sense. Their work is not to be understood in the same terms as a modern Hansard, and in particular not as a defective Hansard, but rather is such that it requires further work on a wide range of new research questions if it is to be understood to best effect, a requirement which suggests a need to study it critically before using it as source material.  相似文献   
3.
Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower "academic faction" (xuepai), embroiled in a debate with an opposing "faction." After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a "New Culture Movement." However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their "factional" rivals like the warlords' allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi's "faction" became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as (now popular) expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the "New Culture Movement." The idea and rhetoric of China's "New Culture Movement" in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.  相似文献   
4.
论清末舆论放大现象的成因   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
清末舆论放大现象最为集中的体现是报刊发行量的飞速扩张;之二是舆论界自身定位为监督政府,并形成了强大的公共领域;之三是受众由以官吏为主转向以社会公众为主;之四是社会各阶层更加注重报刊舆论。至于舆论放大的成因,一是新闻界推行的白话运动,二是政府的引导与推动,三是政府与民间合力促成的讲报、阅报机构,综合催发清末的舆论放大效应。清朝政府对之未予正视,结果致使局势一发而不可收拾,王朝统治也随之荡然无存。  相似文献   
5.
ABSTRACT

This article explores the phenomenon of how news about the discovery of gold on the North Saskatchewan River in British administrated Rupert's Land was propagated by the press in the early 1860s. It tracks the resonance of gold rush news first in the Nor’-Wester, a newspaper published in the Red River Settlement, and then reveals how this paper's coverage was re-published and transmitted across the Anglophone world. The article shows how news about the Saskatchewan gold rush was highly politicised. In the Red River Settlement, editors of the Nor’-Wester sought to spur on the British parliament to implement responsible government in the colony, issuing dire warnings about the potential repercussions of a mass migration to the region and the need to act precipitously. Likewise, in newspapers across North America, editors republished and endorsed news from the Nor’-Wester about the Saskatchewan gold fields to benefit their own communities. But while editors championed the Saskatchewan gold fields to lure potential gold rushers to the region, no large-scale migration to the Northwest occurred. While news about the Saskatchewan gold fields may have been popular across the Anglophone world, it was not actionable. While news reports conveyed the impression that a gold rush was ongoing on the North Saskatchewan River, the reality on the ground did not match the press coverage.  相似文献   
6.
In December 1893 the Conservative candidate for Flintshire addressed an audience at Mold Constitutional Club. After he had finished attacking Gladstone and the local Liberal incumbent, he ended his speech with a joke. He advised the Conservative party to adopt, with regard to the government, the sign of an American undertaker: ‘You kick the bucket; we do the rest’. How did a sign belonging to a Nevadan undertaker become the subject of a joke told at a political meeting in North Wales? This unlikely question forms the basis of this article. Using new digital archives, it tracks the journey of the gag from its origins in New York, its travels around America, its trip across the Atlantic, its circulation throughout Britain and its eventual leap into political discourse. The article uses the joke to illuminate the workings of a broader culture of transatlantic reprinting. During the final quarter of the nineteenth century miscellaneous ‘snippets’ cut from the pages of the American press became a staple feature of Britain's bestselling newspapers and magazines. This article explores how these texts were imported, circulated and continually rewritten in dynamic partnership between authors, editors and their readers.  相似文献   
7.
Like the combatants on the frontline, the wounded soldiers of the First World War wrote and published newspapers during the sometimes lengthy periods of time they spent in hospital. La Greffe Générale is the journal written by and for facially injured combatants treated at the Val-de-Grâce military hospital in Paris. Throughout the eight issues released between December 1917 and July 1918, the voices of these men can be heard. While the surgeons’ perspective prevails in most remaining documents to do with French maxillofacial wards, La Greffe Générale gives an insight into the experiences of injury and treatment from the point of view of the wounded and convalescent combatants. The specific challenges faced by facially injured men are reflected in their writings, as this article shows. At the same time, their newspaper is in itself an attempt to respond to some of these issues. Ultimately, the patients’ publication reveals how gueules cassées, as French disfigured veterans came to be known, tried to collectively cope with their changed lives. The ethos reflected in, and fuelled by, La Greffe Générale played, this article argues, a significant part in the later constitution of the facially disfigured men’s organisation, the Association des Gueules Cassées.  相似文献   
8.
郭盛昌 《人文地理》1997,12(1):74-76
报刊的出版发行工作的效果与报刊生产地的空间区位密切相关。目前国内外地理学界对此问题的研究见诸文字的还不多见,这一研究领域急待发展。本文分析了我国报刊生产空间分布特征,划分了报刊生产的空间功能类型区;进行了报刊生产的区域发展趋势预测。  相似文献   
9.
常松 《安徽史学》2011,(2):123-128
新四军及华中抗日根据地报刊,在中国共产党的正确领导下,为新四军及华中抗日根据地的创建和发展,为抗战全面胜利作出了历史性贡献。新四军及华中抗日根据地的报刊精神主要体现在政治坚定、导向鲜明的党性原则;艰苦创业、乐于奉献的革命传统;贴近生活、通俗生动的求实风格三个方面。  相似文献   
10.
Scholars have long pointed to stories of death and disaster on the railways as proof of profound Victorian anxieties about technology. And yet the traumatic crash was not the only anxiety revealed by sensational railway stories. In the 1860s, a surprising number of newspaper accounts emerged telling tales of ordinary men losing their minds on the railways. These stories were told and retold across the periodical press, exaggerating both the extent of the problem and the severity of the danger for the everyday traveller. Analysing a broad range of press accounts and government policy, this article traces a moral panic in the making. These stories reveal a great concern about the seeming fragility of the male mind when exposed to the modern, industrial world. As this article demonstrates, fears of madness were not limited to Lunacy Commissioners and alienists; they were in fact a staple of popular culture. If a railway journey was all it took to drive a seemingly sane man to madness, what did that say about the health of British manhood?  相似文献   
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