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1.
雷淑 《文物保护与考古科学》2021,33(4):101-108
四川省馆藏文物保存环境监测区域中心(简称四川区域中心)平台,经过两年多的运行实践,实现了12家博物馆监测站的集成联网。本研究分析了区域中心监测平台运行中常见故障现象的表现形式、故障原因及故障率。结果表明:监测平台的主要故障现象为传输异常和数据异常;除温湿度外的其他监测终端故障率较高;软件平台建设也不够完善,导致数据利用率低,尚不能实现风险评估、预测预警和预防调控等管理功能。针对分析发现的问题,提出一些相应的技术措施和管理措施,为有效降低故障的发生率,提升国内区域中心平台建设提供一定的指导和参考。 相似文献
2.
在近代中国,利权概念的核心内涵是经济主权,是对经济独立权的诉求。利权意识在20世纪初年的变化加重了晚清重商观念内在矛盾。利权意识的强化虽显示了晚清经济民族主义的勃发,但也展现了重商观念存在着偏差和不成熟的成分。 相似文献
3.
1992年以来我国城镇居民居住消费的变化趋势 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
1992年之后,我国明确了建立社会主义市场经济体制的目标,城镇住房制度改革取得了实质性突破,城镇居民居住消费发生了深刻变化。居民购房公平自由,私有住房的比重急剧攀升,住房设施日益完善,居住环境不断优化,居住开支迅猛增长,城镇居民居住水平获得了前所未有的提高。然而受不正确的思想观念的影响,在居民居住消费过程中,一些诸如住宅私有率过高、住宅面积过大、一房伴终身等严重脱离实际需要和基本国情的问题日益突出。 相似文献
4.
冷战时期,无论安全领域的利益汇合点还是经贸领域的利益汇合点,都在解冻、维系和推动中美关系中发挥着重要作用,但是这两个利益汇合点的作用并不是等同的,彼此间的安全需求大于经贸需求,而且社会制度和意识形态的根本对立并没有因安全利益汇合点而消失,其对中美两国关系的消极影响一直存在。 相似文献
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6.
Bradley D. Marianno 《政策研究杂志》2020,48(4):982-1022
What is the relationship between changes in interest group resources and the proposal and adoption of state policy? Using a dataset of proposed and enacted teacher policies across five legislative cycles in all 50 states and measures of interest group relative and absolute resource strength, I estimate a series of within-state fixed effects models that gain identification from changes in interest group resources and teacher policy over time. I find that legislatures propose more unfavorable and fewer favorable policies toward teachers' unions in states where teachers' union opposition interest groups are expending more election (but not lobbying) resources over time. Further, I find that more unfavorable and fewer favorable policies are adopted in states where teachers' union opposition groups are growing in election resource strength. Expanding on prior empirical work, this study suggests that interest group resources matter for policy change and highlights the importance of capturing interest group resource dynamics over time. 相似文献
7.
Michael Quinn 《History of European Ideas》2017,43(1):11-33
ABSTRACTThe goal of this paper is to locate indirect legislation within Bentham’s art of legislation, and to distinguish it, as far as possible, from direct legislation. Along the way, some parallels are drawn between indirect legislation on the one hand, and the Nudge theory of Thaler and Sunstein on the other. It will be argued that many expedients categorized by Bentham as indirect legislation are simultaneously exercises of direct legislation. Another set of indirect expedients act on knowledge, and involve efforts to eliminate asymmetries of information between potential offender and potential victim by providing official standards and disseminating a plethora of factual information. Other forms of indirect legislation threaten the coherence of Bentham’s theory of law, firstly by regarding all government actions as exercises in legislation, and secondly by turning the formers of public opinion into legislators. Insofar as some forms of indirect legislation operate by sleight of hand, they conflict with Bentham’s commitment to transparency in the exercise of public power, reflecting a tension between reality and appearance which runs through his thought. 相似文献
8.
Melissa Shaffer-O’Connell 《The American review of Canadian studies》2017,47(1):89-100
Federalism often creates additional decisions for interest groups in determining how best to advocate for their policy recommendations in the legislative process. Should they focus their advocacy at the local, state, or national level of government? This article examines interest group behaviors in water quality policy in the Great Lakes region from 1960 to 2000. I evaluate the reasons for interest group decisions about which level of government to target, using historical analysis of Great Lakes water quality policy in the United States and Canada. The results of this analysis show that in many cases groups are influenced in their decision-making based on the level of government that has the greatest jurisdiction over the policy, supporting a neoinstitutional argument. 相似文献
9.
Timothy M. LaPira 《政策研究杂志》2014,42(2):226-251
Does the emergence of a new boundary‐spanning policy regime shift the focus of well‐established organized interests, or does it mobilize new ones? In this article, I show that interest groups with a presence in Washington before 9/11 rapidly—but temporarily—shift their attention to the homeland security issues. Established groups' entrenchment in antecedent subsystems appears to buffer against widespread policy disruption and interest upheaval. However, a new set of previously latent groups opportunistically mobilizes after the regime is institutionalized. Newly mobilized groups replace those that retreat back to the regime's antecedent subsystems. Though the policy regime fails to resolve the jurisdictional turf conflicts that triggered its creation, the institutionalization of homeland security generates its own original, distinct government demand for lobbying. Interests that previously had no business in Washington before 9/11 took advantage of the new opportunities the regime offered without supplanting interests established long before the Department of Homeland Security and its congressional committees existed. 相似文献
10.
银元主币流通与上海洋厘行市的更替 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
墨西哥鹰洋成为近代中国流通最广的银元主币,历时长达60余年之久。1914年后开铸的袁世凯像新币,逐渐取代鹰洋成为流通中的主币。上海钱业公所和其后的上海钱业公会深谙流通中主币的消长变化态势,审时度势,先后于1915年和1919年取消龙洋和鹰洋行市。鹰洋行市的取消进一步促使国币通行成为主币,使货币兑换市场逐步走向统一,降低社会交易成本;同时也为废两改元准备了条件,促进了近代货币统一化进程。 相似文献