Island Biocultural Assemblages — The Case of Kinmen Island

ABSTRACT A growing mass of research contributes to our understanding of how biological and cultural diversity are related in complex and important ways. This paper presents an assembling process of biodiversity and cultural diversity on an island, Kin‐men (Quemoy), based on 1600 years of its environmental history. The study shows that the island's biocultural assemblages are a result both of external relations with the island's surrounding environment and internal relations within the island's changing human ecology. Distant political powers and economic forces are the two major external influences that have affected the flow of natural and cultural elements to and from the island, while ‘screening effects’ and ‘isolation effects’ are two factors that explain internal interactions. The island's biocultural assembling processes reveal that the openness of the island facilitates increase in the diversity of biocultural elements, while its less disturbed isolated condition fosters natural succession and co‐evolution. The study suggests that biocultural assemblages and the associated processes of co‐evolution and nature–society interactions are accomplished through the intermittent opportunities purposively provided by or inadvertently found in the openings and closures of boundaries, setting the scene for both boundary crossings and bounded shelter, by intent or chance.     

基于GPS数据的北京郊区就业者工作与通勤行为特征研究——以上地信息产业园为例

城市空间快速扩张及郊区中心的崛起,带来多中心城市结构的演变及一系列城市问题。已有研究较少针对对郊区就业者的工作与通勤行为,未能全面地反映新职住“空间错位”。本文基于2012年对北京上地就业者的日常活动与出行调查数据得出以下结论：①主动郊区化的侧面通勤者体现出典型的郊区生活方式： “朝九晚六”、加班明显,生活活动空间更加广域化。②在郊区化过程中被动调整的逆通勤者职住距离最长、依赖公共交通通勤、“早出晚归”、错峰出行、生活活动空间呈现以家和工作地为主的“两极化”特征。③郊区中心内部相对职住接近的就地通勤者,在享受工作与通勤便利性（如职住接近、“晚出早归”）的同时活动空间高度隔离集中在郊区中心。     

日本右翼势力支持"台独"的历史考察

日本右翼势力对“台独”的支持大体经历了三个时期:战后初期,日本右翼势力是“台独”逆流的始作俑者和首开“台独”运动先河的罪魁祸首;冷战时期,日本右翼势力不仅在中日复交前使本国成为“台独”势力的大本营,而且在中日复交后仍一如既往、不遗余力地支持“台独”;后冷战时期,日本右翼势力支持“台独”不仅变本加厉,而且呈现出民间与政界配合、右翼与政府呼应之特点。     

“本土安全”思想对中国近代海疆安全战略的影响

本土安全是近代中国海疆安全战略的终极目标。由于战略目标的局限,中国虽然拥有具备远洋作战能力的海军,但却无法在海军军备建设、军力部署,以及战略战备等方面摆脱海岸防御战略的影响。受本土安全思想的影响,中国的战略决策者在甲午战争中屡失战机,而近代中国海疆安全战略体系也因此崩溃。     

"台独"势力的"日本情结"问题

“台独”分子有一个共同的特性,就是都具有浓厚的“日本情结”,这也是驱动“台独”势力长期不遗余力从事分裂祖国活动和造成台湾问题久拖不决的重要因素。究其原因,主要有二：1、日本对台湾50年的殖民统治,特别是它所发动的“皇民化运动”的久远影响,是导致“台独”势力“日本情结”产生的历史原因;2、“台独”势力出于台湾“独立”的欲求,急需取得外部势力特别是与台湾渊源甚深的日本右翼势力的支持,这是“台独”势力“日本情结”产生的现实原因,也是主要原因。     

部落与民族主义的竞逐——1953年法国在摩洛哥的政变与格拉维部落的兴衰

部落构成了中东社会生活的一个重要层面,是理解中东国家必不可少的视角。1953年,法国在摩洛哥发动政变,废黜了支持民族主义力量的苏丹穆罕默德五世。格拉维部落在此期间经历了兴衰起落。此次政变集中反映了摩洛哥国内部落和民族主义力量对国家政权的竞逐,是观察中东地区部落和国家间复杂逻辑关系的典型个案。摩洛哥传统势力的代表格拉维部落与国家间关系表现出复杂形态:部落利用国家力量实现崛起,部落对抗民族主义力量发动政变企图控制国家,最后部落被国家抛弃而衰落。在部落和民族主义竞逐国家政权的过程中,法国殖民者成为二者沉浮的决定性因素和制衡力量。由于部落对国家认同的脆弱性,殖民主义政权得以通过玩弄部落认同对殖民地进行分而治之。     

Out of Arabia: British Strategy and the Fate of Local Forces in Aden,South Yemen,and Oman, 1967–76

The British engagement with Oman from 1967–76 came at a time when other imperial and defence commitments were being reduced in the Gulf region and elsewhere. Following the ignominious retreat from Aden, the British chose to support the Omani regime in its conflict with Communist-inspired insurgents (1970–6). This article gives context to the dichotomy of outcomes in southern Arabia and examines the role of local military forces in the counter-insurgencies. It demonstrates that Britain's domestic political considerations, regional strategic requirements, and concerns for its global reputation, rather than counterinsurgency operations and the local forces, were the main drivers of outcomes. Insurgents and local actors nevertheless responded to changes taking place in and around Oman, recalibrating their decision to co-operate or resist on their own terms, and changes in the international support for the insurgents were decisive. The key argument is that the dynamic combinations of international support, British strategic assumptions and miscalculations, and local agency, were crucially important to the outcomes in the region. The ‘fate’ of those who had allied with, or resisted, the British, needs to be set in this context.     

甲午陆战与晚清陆军军事教育的发展

甲午陆战的失败是晚清陆军军事教育的重要转折点.由于汲取了甲午陆战失败的教训,陆军军事教育得到了空前的重视,无论是陆军军事学堂的数量还是教育人数都得到了飞速的发展,促进了中国军事教育近代化的发展.     

论中国古代的反政府武装及其相关问题

我们通常所说的“农民起义”的领导人并不都是农民,但是只要具有政治目的,实际上就是来自社会下层的反政府武装,而皇亲国戚的叛乱和藩镇军阀的割据则是来自社会上层的反政府武装。至于那些没有政治目的土匪、强盗、邪教、帮派、会党等黑社会势力则是反社会武装。反政府武装和反社会武装都会给社会带来动乱,然而民众却往往对他们寄予同情,那是因为民众对政府不满而又不能用合法的方法去更换它。反政府武装的结局与原则只有一个——成则为王,败则为寇。反政府武装和政府的斗争不是阶级斗争,但是却推动了改朝换代,也是造成古代社会动乱不已的原因。研究反政府武装的目的是为了设计出理性明智的政治制度,建设和谐安定的社会。     

To the barracks: the President,the military and democratic consolidation in Portugal (1976–1980)

After two turbulent years in which different pathways for the future of the political and institutional framework of Portugal clashed, the country began a process of consolidation of the democratic institutions delineated between 1975/6. However, the role played by the military in the fall of the previous dictatorial regime and the fragility of the new democratic institutions did not allow their immediate withdrawal from political life. The President of the Republic was a military man and the political parties had agreed to maintain an unelected sovereign body, the Council of the Revolution, which only dissolved in 1982. Based on primary sources that only recently became available, this article presents some elements that help to understand the success of democratic consolidation in Portugal. This long process should not be interpreted as a confrontation between civilians, desirous to put an end to military tutelage, and the military, who at all costs sought to keep their privileges. The dividing line should be placed between those who defended the maintenance of the status quo, and the supporters of military subordination to the civil power.