论柯克的贸易自由思想

柯克的贸易自由思想主要包括通过法律约束国王颁授垄断特许权、维护臣民的贸易自由以及鼓励臣民从事合法贸易等内容。柯克秉持普通法传统和贸易自由思想,对国王颁授垄断特许权进行了长期的抗争,最终推动议会通过了《反垄断法》。这部法令集中体现了柯克的贸易自由思想,否定了大多数垄断特许权的合法性,保障了臣民的贸易自由,并创设了世界上最早的专利制度。柯克的贸易自由思想有利于消除贸易领域中的封建因素,推动自由贸易的发展,促进社会财富向资本的转化。     

Impersonating a Voter: Constructions of Race,and Conceptions of Subjecthood in the Franchise of Colonial New South Wales,c. 1850–1865

ABSTRACT

This article investigates the treatment of Aboriginal Australians as politically entitled subjects within New South Wales during that colony's first elections under ‘universal’ male suffrage. Using the case of Yellow Jimmy, a ‘half-caste’ resident prosecuted for impersonating a white settler at an election in 1859, it examines the uncertainties that surrounded Aboriginal Australians’ position as British subjects within the colony's first constitutions. By contrast to the early colonial franchises of New Zealand and the Cape – where questions of indigenous residents’ access to enfranchisement dominated discussions of the colonies’ early constitutions – in the rare instances in which indigenous men claimed their right to vote in New South Wales, local officials used their own discretion in determining whether they held the political entitlements of British subjects. This formed a continuity with the earlier treatment of Aboriginal Australians under settler law, where British authority and imperial jurisdiction was often advanced ‘on-the-ground’ via jurists and administrators rather than via the statutes or orders of Parliament or the Colonial Office.     

The politics of lowering the voting age in Australia: Evaluating the evidence

There is a vigorous international debate about lowering the voting age to 16, with some jurisdictions already moving in this direction. The issue of the voting age also intersects with broader normative and empirical approaches to youth political engagement. Using evidence from Australia, this article evaluates empirically the arguments put forward for lowering the voting age. The findings suggest only partial support for lowering the voting age to bring it into line with other government-regulated activities. There is no evidence that lowering the voting age would increase political participation or that young people are more politically mature today than they were in the past. The absence of empirical support for the arguments in favour of lowering of the voting age has implications for how to transform democracy in order to attract greater youth engagement.

是否把选举年龄降到16岁,国际上有着激烈的辩论。有些法律体系已在朝这个方向运动。选举年龄的话题与更广泛的、有关青年政治参与的规范性及经验性研究有所交集。本文根据澳大利亚的资料,从实证的角度评论了主张降低投票年龄的观点。本文的发见仅部分支持降低选举年龄与有关政府法规的接轨。现在无法证明降低选举年龄会提高政治参与,也无法证明今天的年轻人比过去的年轻人政治上更成熟。降低选举年龄的主张缺少实证的支持,那么该如何改变民主制度以吸引年轻人更多的参与呢？     

Tory Travails and Collegiate Confusion: The Oxford University Election of 1722*

In terms of the unreformed franchise operative in the early 18th century, the University of Oxford made up an unusual parliamentary constituency. Here it was the votes of non-resident members that could be decisive to the outcome if the seat was contested. In late Stuart and early Hanoverian Oxford, Tories were almost certain to be returned but, in the general election of 1722, the Tory vote was split between rival candidates offering a possible opening for Oxford Whigs. This essay considers the varieties of electoral behaviour inside the university at this time of exceptional political flux nationally, how the candidates confronted the practical problem of getting ‘outvoters’ into Oxford, and the extent to which the heads of the colleges could rely on a sufficiently stable corporate identity to have their resident members vote in an approved way. The 1722 general election again raised questions as to who exactly was entitled to vote in a university constituancy, how much illegal voting was going on, and whether it was in a candidate's best interests either to connive or draw attention to it. The eventual choices made by the Oxford electorate would signal where the university stood in the wider political picture of the early 1720s, how far it – and the varieties of toryism it contained – was prepared to endorse the legitimacy of the new Hanoverian order.     

India’s Part in the Politics of Fiji’s Decolonization: From ‘Outworn Slogans’ to ‘Pragmatism and Realism’

United Nations (UN) demands for the unconditional ending of colonial rule troubled British officials confronted by local political difficulties impeding their efforts to establish self-government for Fiji, alarmed Indigenous Fijian leaders who initially resisted that reform, and encouraged the polarizing demand by Indo-Fijian leaders for a common franchise. India was initially at the forefront in maintaining UN pressure on Britain to move Fiji rapidly to independence with this franchise. Yet in the last two years of British rule, as ethnic tension in Fiji rose dangerously, India assumed the lead in urging moderation at the UN. India’s volte-face from antagonist to ally of the British helped open the way to the political accord on which Fiji’s independence constitution was based. The article highlights the major part played by the pre-eminent Indigenous leader Ratu Kamisese Mara in winning India’s support for a cautious approach to reform.     

略论体育文化的空间扩散——兼论我国足球俱乐部的地理分布规律

从地理角度来看,扩散是一种创新进行空间传播或转移的过程。本文认为自然环境以及距离位势是体育文化扩散起源和扩散的地理基础和根本原因。体育文化扩散受比邻扩散和等级扩散作用的共同影响。我国足球俱乐部制和职业化在国内扩散与城市等级和产业密集度有关,在小空间尺度上以比邻扩散方式为主,在大空间尺度上呈现比邻扩散和等级扩散交替进行的规律,以此研究为依据,作者建议尽快研究和制定我国足球俱乐部特许经营制度。     

Store Wars: Changing Retail Ownership in Beijing

Two U.S.-based economic geographers analyze recent changes in retailing activity in Beijing, focusing on changes in store ownership. More specifically, they investigate declines in state ownership in the retail sector since the early 1980s in conjunction with the rapid growth of the domestic private sector and foreign ownership. The paper outlines a new geography of successful (and not-so-successful) retailers that has emerged due to rationalization of the industry, marketization, globalization, as well as government policies at a variety of levels. Changes in store ownership provide insights into the complexity of China's transition, the evolving relations between state and capital, and the role of the local state in the country's economic reforms. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: D23, L20, L81, O18. 2 figures, 3 tables, 1 appendix, 114 references.     

Passion,Parliament, and the Pen: Articulations of Female Citizenship in Britain,c.1790–1890

Among the plethora of political shifts that defined the Age of Reform, this article will uncover a female narrative of changing conceptions of citizenship, asserting that, despite their formal exclusion, women articulated a distinctly female understanding of citizenship through writing. Furthermore, it will explore the significance of parliament to women's experiences. The spaces in which citizenship was performed are integral to understanding its conception, and the significance of the franchise in 19th-century political culture made parliament a fundamental space for those pursuing citizenship rights. Women from a diverse range of backgrounds articulated their inherently female experiences in their writing as they engaged with the discourses of citizenship that surrounded them. A collection of central themes and issues characterised their writing: honour and legality; representation and the franchise; local and municipal politics; marriage; education; and professional and employment opportunities. These texts illuminate the emerging self-conception of female citizenship by women whose lived experiences were coloured by the historical shifts of reform. Consequently, the tapestry of these texts is formed of an intricately connected web of threads that both merge and deviate from one another around their individual focus, intention, or argument. However, collectively they suggest a resoundingly harmonious image, demonstrating that, although varying between individuals, a whole multitude of women from across society were experiencing this realisation of their right to equal citizenship.     

Interpreting the Instrument of Government: Objections to the 1654 Election in the Isle of Ely*

Following the 1654 elections, the first to be held after the imposition of the Instrument of Government, petitions of complaint were presented by voters from various constituencies to Cromwell and his council. Most of the petitions were investigated, some MPs being subsequently barred from taking their seats, but only one was excluded on the grounds of immorality: George Glapthorne, an MP for the Isle of Ely. This re‐examination of his case indicates that Glapthorne, an unpopular local figure because of his involvement in drainage and enclosure, had been the subject of a successful smear campaign. The Instrument of Government had redefined the franchise, which, it has been argued, decreased the size of the electorate. Annexed to the petition presented by voters in the Isle was a list of 124 men who had been physically prevented from entering the polling hall. This list reveals the presence of Walloon settlers in the Isle; local records indicate that such men qualified for the new franchise because they were leasing fertile, drained land in the Fens, thus increasing the electorate in that area. By considering the local context of a disputed election, this study adds to the debate concerning the interpretation of the Instrument of Government in terms of the eligibility, not only of a parliamentary candidate, but also of voters.