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1.
Mass violence always takes place in a particular geopolitical context, and how that context is understood influences perceptions of collective responsibility. As international borders shift, often in the wake of war, events that occurred within one geopolitical entity can be understood has having taken place in another. The influence of such geopolitical framing on judgments of collective responsibility remains understudied. Two studies examine how geopolitical frames lead to shifting assessments of collective responsibility for historical mass violence. By depicting historical violence within a particular geopolitical entity (e.g., a country), that entity was perceived as being more responsible for the violence. The studies are set within the contexts of German-occupied Poland and the British occupation of the Indian subcontinent. The ramifications of these findings are discussed for the teaching of history, the commemoration of historical victimhood, and for our understanding of assessments of collective responsibility and geopolitical framing more broadly.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The evolution of criminal law in Western legal systems is often portrayed as a path leading from objective to subjective notions of criminal responsibility. By examining the historical development of the notions of subjective responsibility, this article suggests that the function of a wrongdoer’s subjective mental state, in both its substantive and procedural aspect, as an element in the process of attributing criminal responsibility, remains much the same today as it was in antiquity. This is indicated by what subjectivity, as an essential condition of culpability (actus non facit reum nisi mens sit rea), is said to imply: the distinction between intentional and unintentional acts. Although the notions of intent and malice aforethought are attested to in various sources on ancient Athenian law, there are several kinds of cases in which the role played by these aspects—traditionally referred to as mens rea (“guilty mind”)—remain unsolved in contemporary jurisprudence and legal practice. Yet despite the difficulties of establishing facts in particularly complex criminal cases, setting the boundary between “intentional” and “unintentional” remains crucially important in determining criminal responsibility and thus in distinguishing the “licit” from the “illicit,” which is the very foundation of the rule of law.  相似文献   
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顾江龙 《史学月刊》2007,(12):37-44
魏晋南北朝是门阀士族获得重大政治、经济、文化和社会特权的时代,但是东晋南朝与北朝的情况不尽相同。从法制层面对赃罪量刑和除免官当的考察表明,在法令的规定上北朝对待官僚较东晋南朝更为宽松,在法令的贯彻上北朝却相对严格。由此我们看到,尽管江左士族享有更多特权,但这些特权多在法令规定之外,不属于正常官僚政治的范畴。而北朝士族却积极在律令框架内寻求自身的权益保障,其努力所获得的丰厚成果为隋唐帝国的官僚所继承,从而为官僚政治的理性发展作出了贡献。  相似文献   
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Voluntary programs have emerged as important instruments of public policy. We explore whether programs lacking monitoring and enforcement mechanisms can curb participants’ shirking with program obligations. Incentive‐based approaches to policy see monitoring and enforcement as essential to curb shirking, while norm‐based approaches view social mechanisms such as norms and learning as sufficient to serve this purpose. The United Nations Global Compact (UNGC), a prominent international voluntary program, encourages firms to adopt socially responsible policies. Its program design, however, relies primarily on norms and learning to mitigate shirking. Using a panel of roughly 3,000 U.S. firms from 2000 to 2010, and multiple approaches to address endogeneity and selection issues, we examine the effects of Compact membership on members’ human rights and environmental performance. We find that members fare worse than nonmembers on costly and fundamental performance dimensions, while showing improvements only in more superficial dimensions. Exploiting the lack of monitoring and enforcement, UNGC members are able to shirk: enjoying goodwill benefits of program membership without making costly changes to their human rights and environmental practices.  相似文献   
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The paper, based in part on field surveys in 2006, examines the role played by large Russian companies in local development, focusing on the operations of SUAL and Severstal' in Northwest Russia. The two companies provide examples of different models of corporate behavior (transnational and paternalist) in the current Russian business environment, reflecting a choice more broadly between neoliberal and corporate-nationalistic versions of Russia's participation in globalization. The author investigates the implications of the different models for the local jurisdictions in which these companies operate. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: D21, L20, O18, P20. 2 figures, 1 table, 48 references.  相似文献   
7.
张莉 《攀登》2008,27(3):124-127
本文从社会学角度对奥运社会责任理念进行了诠释,探讨了奥运社会责任理念提出的理论和实践基础,并对奥运社会责任的片面化理解进行了分析,提出了践行奥运社会责任理念的对策。  相似文献   
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代林静 《攀登》2008,27(4):200-202
在新时期,新闻工作者肩负着“以科学的理论武装人,以正确的舆论引导人,以高尚的精神塑造人,以优秀的作品鼓舞人”的历史使命。所以,作为一名新闻工作人员必须始终保持清醒的头脑,不断提高自己的业务素质,以较强的政治鉴别力和政治敏锐性确保新闻舆论导向的正确。  相似文献   
9.
旅游景区开发企业的社会责任意识与行为是影响遗产地可持续发展的重要因素之一,而社区居民对景区开发企业社会责任的感知直接影响旅游地企业与社区的关系。本文通过对世界自然遗产地武陵源社区居民的调查研究,分析社区居民地方依恋、遗产价值认知与他们对景区开发企业社会责任感知的关系,研究发现:①社区居民认为景区开发企业应对股东、游客、员工、遗产和政府承担责任,特别是要对周边环境与社区居民负责;②地方依恋感和遗产价值认知较强的居民对景区开发企业履行社会责任有着更高的预期;③地方依恋通过加强居民的遗产价值认知深化其对景区开发企业应承担社会责任的感知。  相似文献   
10.
In June 2007, the city of Sheffield officially declared itself to be the UK's first 'City of Sanctuary', a gesture that sought to instil a spirit of 'welcome and hospitality towards asylum seekers and refugees'. Drawing on a series of interviews and ethnographic work, this paper critically examines this gesture by considering how City of Sanctuary sought to enact a relational account of place through which the responsibilities of Sheffield towards both proximate and distant strangers were highlighted. The paper argues that while the City of Sanctuary movement integrates both relational and territorial political practices, it also actively pursues a relational imaginary through presenting the city as a space of political connections and responsibilities. This is achieved through a twin focus upon the role asylum seekers and refugees play in constituting the city and the role that Sheffield might come to play in national discussions of asylum. Following this discussion, the paper looks to the implications of City of Sanctuary's work for a relational account of spatial politics, arguing that a dual orientation of spatial responsibilities 'within' and 'beyond' place may be more easily articulated in reference to some networks and flows than others. The experiences of City of Sanctuary therefore suggest that relational accounts must present a space of negotiation between territorial practices, political networks, spatial responsibilities and geographical imaginations. The development of City of Sanctuary into a national network of towns and cities promoting hospitality indicates the importance of such negotiations for developing a culture of refuge across British cities.  相似文献   
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