汉代的疫病及其流行特点

根据相关文献的统计,两汉时期疫病的流行次数约为50次,其中西汉(含新朝)17次,东汉33次。两汉疫病的传播与战争关系十分密切,与战争有关的疫病约占五分之一。两汉时期的自然灾害已呈现出链发性和群发性的特点,疫病往往是在其他自然灾害发生之后流行。大体来看,疫病流行的次数东汉比西汉多,王朝后期比前期多。疫病次数的多少、流行时间的长短和疫情的大小,与国家控制疫情传播的能力有极大关系。两汉时期的疫病发生在治世的少,而在衰世和乱世则发生频繁。相对来说,两汉时期疫病的高发区在南方以及东汉的都城洛阳和关东地区。     

魏晋南北朝时期疫灾时空分布规律研究

魏晋南北朝时期是中国历史上的第一个疫灾高峰期,疫灾频度平均为21.0%,其中西晋时期疫灾最为频繁,疫灾频度高达34.6%。夏季是疫灾流行的最主要的季节,约41%的疫灾发生在夏季。疫灾周期具有波幅越来越小、波长越来越短的趋势。在空间分布上,疫灾范围有逐步扩大的趋势,疫灾重心有由北向南迁移的趋势,都城所在地为疫灾多发区,都城区位的变迁影响着疫灾重心的变迁。三国时期的疫灾重心在河南,西晋时期的疫灾重心在陕西与河南,东晋以后的疫灾重心在江苏。总体来看,经济相对发达、人口相对稠密、战争相对频仍的黄河中下游地区、长江中下游地区以及它们之间的淮河流域是魏晋南北朝时期疫灾的主要流行区域。     

The emergence of an ethic of care in rural Kenyan schools? Perspectives of teachers and orphaned and vulnerable pupils

In the context of HIV, there is considerable debate about the role of schools and teachers as potential sources of care and support for vulnerable children. This qualitative research examines ‘care’ as experienced and practiced by pupils and teachers in rural Western Kenya. In primary and secondary schools, interviews were conducted with 18 teachers and 57 orphaned and vulnerable pupils, alongside Photovoice. Drawing on thematic analysis and an ‘ethic of care’ theoretical perspective, we unpack the informal caring practices of teachers within resource-constrained settings. The research provides glimpses of schools as spaces of care, participation and support for orphaned and vulnerable pupils. Recognising and providing institutional support for the development of an ethic of care in schools may help to tackle the considerable educational barriers facing girls and boys who are orphaned and vulnerable and move ‘care’ closer towards the centre of educational policy and practice in the global South.     

Electoral Behavior in the Russian Far East, 1995-2000: Contextual and Compositional Effects

A group of political scientists specializing in Russia's post-Soviet electoral behavior explores the question of whether genuinely regional effects of voting behavior can be discerned (and at what scale) by controlling for variations in compositional characteristics measured by aggregate social and economic data. The paper seeks to identify situations in which contextual effects may be operating, using a scale of analysis that is intermediate between regional (oblast)-level case studies and nationwide surveys—that of the Russian Far East macroregion. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: H10, O50, Z10. 4 tables, 40 references, 1 appendix.     

和平时期的鼠疫流行与人口死亡 --以近代广东、福建为例

广东城市鼠疫流行最剧的年代所造成的人口死亡数比福建要大,然而仍然只有10％20％,其他年份人口死亡数很小。在乡村,无论是在时间分布上,还是在区域分布上,鼠疫都呈现出“此起彼伏,循环不绝”的流行特点。特大型工商业城市在鼠疫传播中的地位相当重要,这与欧洲有很大的不同。不同的社会结构和发展状况对于鼠疫流行模式和人口死亡所产生的影响十分明显,从这个角度来看,近代中国社会的变迁也是一个生态变迁的过程。     

Public Health and Private Charity in Northeast China, 1905-1945

Medical charity in northeast China evolved through the confluence of three processes： the foundation of state medicine, the legal and political transformation of private charities, and the militarized competition for influence between China and Japan. Following the plague of 1910, a series of Chinese regimes began building medical infrastructure in areas under their control, but their ultimate inability to establish a comprehensive public health program left private charities to fill the gaps. In contrast, the Japanese administered concessions in Kant6 and along the South Manchuria Railway instituted a farsighted and multivaleneed medical policy. The Japanese model did not merely tolerate medical charities, it reserved for them a very specific role in the larger strategic framework of healthcare provision. Under the client state of ＂Manzhouguo,＂ the Japanese model further evolved to channel medical voluntarism into a hybrid state-charitable sector.     

20世纪30年代苏区卫生防疫运动述论

20世纪30年代,中国共产党建立的苏区革命根据地,为了保护军民健康、保障部队战斗力,开展了群众性卫生防疫运动,提出卫生防疫政策纲领,进行卫生宣传教育,厉行防疫活动,有效地防治了疾病,控制了瘟疫等传染性疾病的流行,保障了根据地的巩固发展,产生了积极的影响.     

1918年流感的中国疫情初探--以直隶获鹿县为中心

文章以民国报纸和档案为主要资料,分析了直隶获鹿县的1918年流感疫情,给出了具体的感染率、死亡率以及在不同年龄、性别和区域之间的差异。指出此次流感虽然未在中国形成大面积流行,但由于对发病原因认识不足,医疗手段落后,北洋政府未能采取统一的防疫措施,导致个别地区流感死亡率偏高。作者认为国家的积极作用是控制疾病大流行的关键。     

汉晋时代的“瘴气之害”

西汉对南越战事中因“暑湿”导致“士卒大疫”的历史记录,或许应当看作对“瘴气”危害的早期记忆。而《淮南子·地形》所谓“障气”,可能就是“瘴气”。东汉至于晋时对南方的开发,留下了更多有关“瘴气”的文字遗存。当时人对于“瘴气之害”的地理分布及其季节性特征,已经有了初步的认识。总结和分析相关文化信息,对于理解汉晋人与自然环境的关系,显然是有益的。一些学者在对“瘴气”的研究中使用了文化学和心理学的方法。对相关历史现象进行病理学和生态学的研究和解释,或许更为重要。     

北宋时期疫灾地理研究

北宋时期(960-1127年)有记载的疫灾年份59个,疫灾频度为35.1%。其疫灾多发生于春、夏季节,秋、冬季节较少发生。整个北宋时期,疫灾频度呈周期性波动上升趋势,除960-969年上接五代疫灾周期和1120-1129年下接南宋疫灾周期外,其余时间可以划分出3个波长为50年的波动周期,第一波(970-1019年)疫灾频度为10%-40%;第二波(1020-1069年)疫灾频度为20%-60%;第三波(1070-1119年)疫灾频度为20%-70%。疫灾主要发生在黄河中下游、江淮之间及长江中下游地区,华南地区很少有疫灾流行,且疫灾都与战争有关。长江三角洲和开封地区为全国一级疫灾中心,成都、西安、洛阳、长沙为次一级疫灾中心。这些疫灾中心的形成,既与其人口密度相对较高有关,也与其人口流动性相对较高有关。