毛泽东时期的中国美术

在国际共产主义运动中,在苏联、在社会主义的新中国,文艺始终是革命的“齿轮和螺丝钉”。新中国的美术家在为工农兵服务、为政治服务中,艰苦地、小心翼翼地寻求政治与艺术的结合部,在中国画、油画、版画、雕塑领域中,创作出一批批属于这个特定历史时期的为人民大众所喜闻乐见的力作。毛泽东晚年的极“左”路线,最后也将“三突出”、“高大全”、“红光亮”的美术推向顶峰与终结;同时,也为改革开放新时期的中国美术,提供了复兴与发展的机遇。     

石门坎现象成因分析

石门坎,云贵乌蒙山区的一片蛮荒、高寒之地。石门乡至今仍是贵州屈指可数的边远贫困乡。但在20世纪上半期,石门坎竟成为＂西南苗族最高文化区＂、＂文化圣地＂,创造了数个文化奇迹。分析其成因有：特殊的社会、历史背景;基督教进入、认同、互动与大环境建设;创制苗文及乡村教育网络的形成等。     

海外温州商人创业模式研究——基于32个样本的观察

本研究在相关文献综述的基础上,从创业学的角度,利用改进的威克姆和克里斯蒂安创业模型,对32个海外温商创业样本进行了分析。结果显示,海外温商创业一般过程的四阶段模型,按创业动机、创业经历、创业资源与温州相关程度、创业组织形式和创业过程等标准,分为十种创业模式。海外温商创业模式的形成机制是比较复杂的,除了温商自身因素之外,还需要考虑国际经济发展的宏观背景以及所在国经济发展水平等。从海外温商创业模式看,温州人的成功在于创业者与创业要素的互动,＂温州模式＂实际上更可以称为＂温州人模式＂。     

Bank Liquidity Creation in Russia

Two EU-based senior economists analyze the contribution of bank liquidity creation to the Russian economy, as well as changes in creation of liquidity occurring during the global financial crisis. Applying the methodology of Berger and Bouwman's (2009) study of U.S. banking to a rich panel dataset for Russian banks for the period 1999-2009, the authors compute three alternative measures of bank liquidity creation. They find evidence of increased creation of liquidity in real terms over the period and also determine that state-controlled (versus private) banks and Russia's largest banks (versus intermediate-size and small banks) contributed most to liquidity creation (lower in Russia than in the U.S.). Their findings suggest that consolidation of the Russian banking sector may prove more instrumental in increasing liquidity creation than privatization per se.     

中国画的欣赏、鉴赏和创作

从中国画欣赏和创作的角度,谈中国画的本质特征,国画与西方绘画的关系、与中国古典哲学的关系,中国画的审美境界、中国笔墨文化等等,说明中国画是淡泊,养生,向善的艺术。强调“文”是进入中国画创作和欣赏的门槛,也是沟通画家和社会的桥梁。     

经济韧性视角下城镇产业演化的路径依赖与路径创造——基于东莞市樟木头、常平镇的对比分析

在经济韧性视角下,本文基于路径依赖与路径创造理论构建了一个研究城镇产业衰落与转型的分析框架,进而对东莞市樟木头与常平的产业发展路径进行详细梳理和对比分析,探讨地理区位、产业结构等初始条件相似的城镇受到相同外部冲击时出现韧性差异的原因,包括地方制度、技术变革、经济结构、劳动力结构、社会文化氛围等。据此提出转型升级对策：寻找新主导产业,提升经济主体潜力与联系;科学规划空间结构,调整存量用地功能,提高土地利用效率,全面升级硬件设施;重塑强调风险管控与危机意识的社会文化氛围。通过建立演化经济地理学与经济韧性相结合的实证研究范式,本文为产业结构单一城镇提供了具有借鉴意义的韧性增强途径和路径创造方式。     

王同轨交游及其小说创作

话奇谈怪成为晚明文人交游雅集的新风尚,王同轨的《耳谈》正是在这种风气大盛的背景下生成。王同轨通过与胡应麟、屠隆、江进之、李维桢、梅鼎祚、丘长孺、李维寅、顾朗哉、孙鹏初、朱汝修等活跃于文坛的文人名士交游雅集,激发了其小说创作的原动力,为其小说创作提供了各色素材,由此更赋予了小说文学与史学的双重价值。     

试论东方学理论视野中的“夷学”构建

文化研究的重要目的之一是探讨文化创造的可能性机制。在西方,萨义德东方学理论的提出,对于西方文化语境中东西方文化关系的反思有极其重要的现实意义,对于我们用以分析和反思以夏文化为主流的中原文化跟周边偏远地区的文化关系亦有着重要的启示意义。但由于文化背景的差异,东方学理论限于对抗性、批判性的局限,向中国的文化现实提出了创造性地创建新型文化关系理论的要求。本文从东方学理论入手,论证了“夷学”提出的理论必要性和现实性,并且论述了“夷学”与文化创造的思维模式与内在联系。     

Biblical Law and Human Formation

Abstract

The article aims to show a relationship between biblical law, or Torah, and human formation or spiritual growth. In a sympathetically critical dialogue with Burnside’s God, Justice and Society, and biblical theologians such as G. von Rad, H. H. Schmid, E. Otto and F. Crusemann, it considers the proper human response to law in terms of a vocation to understand the divine ordering of reality. Specific topics addressed include the relationship between “revealed” law and universal knowledge, law and wisdom, biblical law’s capacity to critique cultural norms, and the mandate implicit within biblical law for ongoing reinterpretation, across cultural boundaries.     

James W. Ceaser's Contribution to Political Science Introduction

Abstract

A theme of interest in the process of democratic consolidation among comparative politics scholars is how political and nonpolitical variables, including economic and class issues, interrelate. Whereas the “transitions to democracy” literature conceptualizes the emergence of democratic regimes to be primarily an elite-driven political process, the actual consolidation of a democratic regime requires the active organization of civil sectors that then learn to live by and accept the outcomes of uncertain democratic governance. This “granting of stakes” in the new regime is perhaps best accomplished by the aggregation and articulation of interests among labor and business sectors in “civil society”—a term usefully defined by Alfred Stepan (1988) as manifold social movements from all classes organized to promote their interests. It is in this area that the interplay of political and economic interests is most clearly visible. Indeed, although elites can make decisions about the institutional, political, and economic future of a country in transition, they cannot guarantee that those decisions will be implemented or supported by the populace and that the incipient democratic system will stabilize. What is frequently neglected in elite-centered accounts of democratic transitions, then, is civil society and its links to elites through popular organizations.