Attlee,Bevin, and Political Warfare: Labour's Secret Anti-Communist Campaign in Europe, 1948–51

Clement Attlee's Labour Government oversaw the emergence of a vigorous anti-Communist discourse and the establishment of an anti-Soviet Western alliance in the early Cold War. In January 1948, the Prime Minister authorised the Information Research Department to launch a political warfare offensive designed to combat the spread of Communism in Europe. Two years later, against the wishes of his Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Attlee set up a high-level interdepartmental committee to oversee the subversion of the Soviet Union's position in Eastern Europe. These developments forced Whitehall to re-fight the bureaucratic battles of the Second World War over who actually controlled covert warfare. Bevin, like his predecessor Anthony Eden, fought unsuccessfully to maintain exclusive ownership of national security strategy in this area. Attlee ended his monopoly by making a rare but significant intervention in his Foreign Secretary's domain in the search for a new central machine to fight the Cold War.     

Containment and intensification in political war: Carl Schmitt and the Clausewitzian heritage

This article provides the first comprehensive and chronological analysis of Carl Schmitt’s reception of Carl von Clausewitz. While earlier scholarship has mostly stressed Schmitt’s shift from Clausewitzian ‘instrumentality’ to an ‘existential’ view of war, I note some inherent difficulties in this dichotomy and instead promote the parallel distinction between two argument types: those of containment and intensification. Schmitt theorized both limited political war and the intensification of war out of traditional bounds, and focusing on one should not eclipse the other. Further, both elements are identifiable already in Clausewitz. I analyse Schmitt’s oscillation between containment and intensification arguments chronologically from the mid-1920s to the 1960s. Despite sometimes nominally rejecting Clausewitz’s famous thesis of war as the continuation of politics, Schmitt nevertheless affirmed the idea of war’s political nature. I conclude that Schmitt’s view can be read as a radicalized version of the Clausewitzian political theory of war rather than a strict deviation from it. This becomes evident as soon as we place Schmitt’s partly incoherent observations on Clausewitz in their argumentative contexts.     

The Challenge of Change: Australian Cities and Urban Planning in the New Millennium

This paper reviews recent research on the changing spatial structure of Australia's major cities from the early 1990s, concentrating on (a) the location of employment and journey to work patterns, (b) the changing nature of housing, and (c) patterns of residential differentiation and disadvantage. The paper argues that the 1990s was a watershed decade during which some taken‐for‐granted aspects of Australian urban character experienced significant change. It then examines the latest generation of strategic planning documents for these major metropolitan areas, all published between 2002 and 2005, and argues that there is a mismatch between the strategies’ consensus view of desirable future urban structure, based on containment, consolidation and centres, and the complex realities of the evolving urban structures. In particular, the current metropolitan strategies do not come to terms with the dispersed, suburbanised nature of much economic activity and employment and the environmental and social issues that flow from that, and they are unconvincing in their approaches to the emerging issues of housing affordability and new, finer‐grained patterns of suburban inequality and disadvantage. Overall, the paper contends that current metropolitan planning strategies suggest an inflexible, over‐neat vision for the future that is at odds with the picture of increasing geographical complexity that emerges from recent research on the changing internal structure of our major cities.     

建国初期美国阻挠华侨学生回国升学内幕

新中国成立后,海外华侨学生有感于祖国的繁荣昌盛,掀起了一股回国升学的热潮。国民党集团为了“反共复国”,也极力劝诱侨生赴台升学,但收效甚微。在此背景下,美国出于“遏制中国”的险恶用心,积极介入华侨学生的升学问题,并使之染上一层浓厚的冷战色彩。本文主要依据上世纪90年代公布的美国政府的有关原始档案,分析美国政府阻挠华侨学生回国升学的背景和动机及其制定的计划、采取的措施。作者认为,虽然美国政府所采取的阻挠华侨学生回国升学的政策和措施对华侨学生的流向产生了一定影响,但其“遏制中国”的野心并未得逞。     

双重的矛盾——印度尼西亚与美国关系的历史解析(1949-1966)

从1949至1966年,印美两国关系经历了友好、冲突、缓和与恶化的曲折变化。印尼中立主义与美国遏制战略之间的冲突,是阻碍两国关系发展的第一重矛盾。印尼民族主义与美国维护冷战盟友荷兰、英国殖民主义之间的冲突,则成为影响两国关系的第二重矛盾。印美两国矛盾的实质在于,冷战的两极格局下,一个全球超级大国和一个新兴地区大国之间难以调和的国家利益的冲突。     

Unsettling “Inner City”: Liberal Protestantism and the Postwar Origins of a Keyword in Urban Studies

The term inner city first achieved consistent usage through the writings of liberal Protestants in the USA after World War II. Its genesis was the product of an era when a largely suburban mainline Protestantism was negotiating its relationship to American cities. Liberal Protestants’ missionary brand of urban renewal refocused attention away from the blight and structural obsolescence thought to be responsible for urban decay, and instead brought into focus the cultural pathologies they mapped onto black neighbourhoods. The term inner city arose in this context, providing a rhetorical and ideological tool for articulating the role of the church in the nationwide project of urban renewal. I argue that even as it arose in contexts aiming to entice mainline Protestantism back into the cities it had fled, the term accrued its meaning by generating symbolic and geographic distance between white liberal churches and the black communities they sought to help.     

美国经济遏制战略与高新技术转让限制

50— 60年代 ,美国经济遏制战略是以禁运战略物资为主 ,从 70年代开始 ,转向以限制高新技术转让为主 ;1 979年《出口管制法》标志着这种转变的完成。在“缓和时代” ,美国经济遏制战略追求的目标是 ,以有限发展东西方贸易换取苏联的政治让步。在“新冷战”时期 ,美国经济遏制战略将打击对象从中国重新转向苏联 ,更重要的是将高新技术转让限制作为迫使苏联“改变国内政治”的重要手段     

20世纪五六十年代的东南亚华侨问题与美国对华遏制政策

中国革命的胜利以及中美对抗格局的形成,使原已存在的东南亚华侨问题更加复杂。美国旋即从遏制中国的角度介入该问题,并制定了详尽的政策。例如,鼓励台湾当局争取华侨支持;排斥中国在华侨教育中的影响;鼓吹“中国威胁论”,破坏中国与东南亚国家的关系;充分发挥香港在华侨政策中的独特作用;等等。1960年,美国又根据形势发展,调整了它对东南亚华侨的政策。但是,不管美国的政策如何变化,其遏制中国的基本目标却始终如一。     

Containing Kassindja: detention,gendered threats and border control in the United States

In 1996, the USA issued a landmark decision to grant political asylum to a young woman, Fauziya Kassindja, due to the threat of forced genital circumcision. The case, Matter of Kasinga, is now a cornerstone in the area of law known as ‘gender-based asylum.’ While the legal victory occurred during a watershed moment for women’s human rights, it also spawned considerable critique for reproducing colonial tropes of third-world women, cultural backwardness, and narratives of rescue. This article offers another perspective by examining key phases of the case that predate the final decision. I demonstrate how logics of containment shaped the case trajectory and outcome. Initially, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) sought to contain Kassindja as a bogus asylum seeker through detention. However, once a powerful advocacy campaign exposed the violence of detention, the INS shifted their containment strategies to safeguarding the legal paradigm and circumscribing its legacy as a precedent-setting case. By focusing on the role of detention and the logics of containment, this article supplements cultural critiques of the case and provides an example of how gender and gender violence can be leveraged by state agencies and actors to reinforce border control and manage refugee/asylee populations.     

杜鲁门政府研制氢弹政策的形成及其影响

194 9年苏联进行第一次核试验 ,促使杜鲁门政府在核技术领域和国家安全政策领域进行重新审查 ,虽然政府内部分歧不断 ,但研制氢弹和NSC6 8文件最终作为官方政策被确立下来并对后世产生深远影响