首府集中度和西部城市化模式探索

城市首位度是最早提出来对城市规模状况的指标描述,但随着经济的发展,处于第二位城市的人口数量的增加,首位度日益无法得力地描述城市体系的特征状况,更无法表述出地区人口在首府城市的集中程度,为此本文提出了城市首府集中度的概念,将首府集中度划分为不同的等级层次。对比中国与世界平均及中、俄间的首府度分布曲线,从而得出结论:中国大城市的发展潜力仍然很大,应进一步扩展和完善大城市。西部地区地广人稀,对比分析俄罗斯和西部的首府度状况,相应地提出西部开发模式。     

The non-graded elementary school

The history of education in a number of industrialized countries during the first part of the 20th century testifies to the political will behind school centralization and the closure of small and non-graded rural elementary schools. A closer examination shows that school centralization throughout these countries can be associated with the development of a more unified educational system and that a unified school system is in turn seen as a political tool for the advancement of social welfare. In particular, this article discusses the development of the Norwegian non-graded elementary school. It examines the nature and the effects of the applied policies, and analyses the rationales – both political and educational – behind political decisions on education. The overall conclusions can be linked to and complement international research in this area.     

浅议抗战时期民主进程中的几个问题

抗日战争是中国民主发展史上一个极为独特又极为重要的时期。在战争的硝烟中,互相对立的集权和民主趋势都各自获得新的发展动力。国民党的集权达到了前所未有的程度,而民主运动的发展也达到了前所未有的规模。最终,固守一党专政体制的国民党逐渐失去了社会的支持。具有在野党与区域执政党双重身份的中国共产党,紧紧抓住了民主的旗帜,既竭力向国民党要求西式民主,又在自己的统治区域探索试行新的民主制度,并发展出新的民主政治理论——新民主主义论。对战争后期的民主运动发生影响的国际因素也不可忽视,美国对国民政府经历了一个从期望到失望的过程,而中国人民对美国也同样经历了一个从期望到失望的过程。从长远来看,抗战时期国共双方在民主问题上的一失一得,已在某种程度上决定了未来中国的走向。     

联邦制、国家统一与两种话语之争——对近代中国联邦制论争的回顾与思考

自清末至北洋政府时期,联邦论作为一种处理中央与地方关系的分权理论,在近代中国政治生活中时隐时现,并最终引发＂联省自治＂运动。但由于联邦论作为一种外来思想,难以在中国政治文化中找到移植的土壤进而完成国家统一的政治整合使命,从而使联邦论的正当性逐步消蚀。而联邦论与反联邦论之间的论争最后演化为宪政民主与民族国家两种话语之争,它扭转了中国政治发展的模式,并最终使联邦主义成为中国历史上被放弃的制度选择。     

Leadership in Absentia: Negotiating Distance in Centralized Solomon Islands

This article examines a tension at the heart of national leadership in Solomon Islands today: a conviction that national leaders need to spend more time in rural environments to better represent rural interests, needs and values, while having to be in town to access the individuals and organizations that, essentially, make them national leaders in the first place. Drawing on fourteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in urban Honiara and the rural Lau Lagoon, Malaita, we are especially interested in how this tension shapes rural perceptions of the legitimacy of chiefs as national leaders. Given that development projects can only be negotiated in Honiara, where the required state institutions, international (N)GOs and major businesses are based, rural residents feel compelled to send their most important village leaders, especially clan chiefs, to town. However, the longer these leaders are away from their homes, the more they seem distracted by urban ‘luxuries’ and the less they appear committed to their rural homes. In particular, villagers complain about their chiefs' contributions to exchange relations. Villages, thus, find themselves in a double‐bind that exaggerates a broader ‘crisis of leadership’ alongside an urban‐rural divide which challenges the promise of chiefly leadership as solution to antipolitical sentiments and a centralized state.     

浅析中世纪晚期西欧官吏阶层的产生

中世纪晚期西欧人身依附关系逐渐松弛,人们在城市生活中建立起以利益为核心的社会秩序。对构建公共权力的需要促使西欧各国开始通过议会走上建立统一的、中央集权国家的道路。官吏阶层的产生正是这一进程的产物。这些人不同于以往向领主个人效忠的封臣,他们接受过大学教育并领取薪俸,而且担负起由公共权力赋予的事务。官吏阶层在法律秩序的统一、国家公共职能的确立等方面发挥了重要作用,成为西欧社会结构变革的重要组成部分。     

Conflict and mutual support between local consciousness and national consciousness disturbance on Chuanxing suoji in 1936

From the late Qing Dynasty to the Republican period, there was a transition on the understanding of the relationship between China as a state and its localities. Local and national consciousness generally supported each other but were in conflict at times. In this essay the author intends to explore the reasons and influences of the Sichuan people’s criticism of the Chuanxing suoji (Rambling Notes on Sichuan) letter written by Chen Hengzhe, and analyze the interplay between local and national consciousness in the early days when the Nanjing government controlled Sichuan. The uproar caused by the article also showed the gap between mainstream intellectuals and peripheral intellectuals. __________ Translated from: Sichuan Daxue Xuebao Zhexue Shehui Kexue Ban 四川大学学报: 哲学社会科学版 (Journal of Sichuan University, Social Science Edition), No.1, 2004     

Both Too Much and Too Little: Sources of Federal Instability in Canada

Federalism is often praised for being able to accommodate diversity within the confines of a single state while preventing secession. Federalism, however, is fraught with tensions and instability. Federalism is typically adopted as a second-best alternative among actors whose first choice is either a more centralized state or a more decentralized state. These preferences persist over time. Instability in federation, then, comes from federal partners pushing in opposite directions at the same time. From this dynamic comes the much-examined propensity for secessionism to develop within federations. Largely unexamined in the literature on federalism, but equally problematic from the standpoint of stability, is the equal and opposite risk of consolidation (or centralization). This article examines sources of federal instability by exploring the origins and evolution of federalism. I use examples from Canada to demonstrate the extent to which my argument is applicable to real world federations. In conducting the exploration, we come to understand how federations can be both unstable and durable.     

晚明时期我国历史旅游客流空间集聚与扩散研究

本文以《四库全书》、《四库全书存目丛书》、《四库全书存目丛书补编》、《四库禁毁书丛刊》及《四库未收书辑刊》中记载的晚明文人游记为基础,借助SPSS12.0软件,对晚明时期我国历史旅游客流的集聚和扩散现象进行研究,通过因子分析发现当时我国已初步形成四大旅游集聚场和三大旅游扩散场,并进一步利用因子得分进行聚类分析,以此为依据划分旅游目的地和客源地等级结构。     

春战变革与集权趋势

社会自然变化与社会政治经济的变化,互为因果,是春战变革的原动力,中央集权是其发展的必由之路。