Consociationalism and the politics of the census in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland

Population censuses have symbolic and instrumental importance for ethnic, national, linguistic or religious groups and their political representatives. This is particularly apparent in deeply divided societies, where political institutions are designed to accommodate groups through forms of power sharing. Existing literature posits that consociational power-sharing institutions, which are commonly employed to manage inter-group conflict, are likely to incentivise contestation and mobilisation in relation to the census, but this claim has not been tested empirically. Employing the case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, this article tests a proposition about the relationship between consociationalism and the politics of the census: that it is corporate consociational designs that are likely to result in contestation of the census and mobilisation of groups during enumeration, whereas liberal consociational designs will not. The analysis offers support for this proposition, but also suggests that other features of power-sharing settlements, such as the federal nature of the Bosnian state and the majoritarian provision for a ‘border poll’ in the Northern Irish settlement, also play an important role in shaping census politics. These insights contribute to political geographic debates about the census by highlighting the influence of institutional design on struggles over how and where populations get counted, which are applicable beyond the immediate context of deeply divided societies.     

关于中国古代海军史几个问题的再思考

哀公十年(前485年)，吴徐承帅舟师沿海北上攻齐进行海战事，似难确认。襄公二十四年(前549)，楚以舟师伐吴，是为史籍明确记载的第一次动用舟师的征战，但恐难排除此前已发生过动用舟师征战的事实，是故中国古代海军的产生(形成)时间，尚需进一步科学、准确论证。“海军”是个历史范畴，在不同的历史时期具有不同的形态，称谓也有所变化。中国古代海军的主要称谓有舟师、楼船军、水军、水师等。     

Playing with Fire: The 4th Duke of Hamilton's Jacobite Politics and the Union

James Hamilton, duke of Hamilton and the Scots jacobites are generally linked in analyses of the final years of the Scots polity. Indeed, Hamilton is often presented as the leader of the jacobite party in the Scottish parliament. Yet both contemporaries and historians have been unsure what to make of his on-again, off-again, conduct with respect to the exiled Stuarts and France. This has fuelled an ongoing debate about Hamilton's erratic and highly enigmatic behaviour during the winter of 1706–7, when the Union was passing the Scottish parliament. Was he genuinely opposing the Union? Was he duped by the court? Or was he, ‘bought and sold for English gold ’? This essay takes a fresh look at the duke and his part in the Union crisis in the light of new and previously underused jacobite sources with a view to better understanding Hamilton's aims, objectives, and influence with this crucial group. Only the jacobites and the Cameronians were potentially willing to take their opposition to the Union to God's Acre. But neither party immediately flew to arms in response to passage of a union they both believed was a betrayal of everything they held dear, and Hamilton was a major factor in their failure to do so. This essay thus takes a close look at the duke's part in preventing a major national uprising against the Union in the winter of 1706–7 and advances a new interpretation of his conduct and significance throughout the Union crisis.     

Buried assumptions: Some problems in the interpretation of the “Younger Fill” raised by recent data from Greece

A distinctive “Younger Fill” has been identified in the Mediterranean and adjacent regions. The dominant explanation for it is that of climatic change, first advanced by Vita-Finzi in 1960. Recent work on Greece by Bintliff appears to support the hypothesis. However, there are weaknesses. The present paper isolates the assumptions upon which the climatic hypothesis rests, particularly the notion of synchroneity and the apparent need for a universal mechanism. It sets out the grounds for scepticism, which include the ambiguity of the data, and attempts to evaluate the recent evidence from Greece. The paper then proceeds to argue that an anthropogenic origin cannot be ruled out and that it merits serious consideration. Criteria are suggested which the reinstated explanation would need to meet.     

青海古代文化遗址时空分布特征

本文对青海古代各历史时期的文化遗址及文物进行了分析与探讨,提出了青海古代文化遗址有着分布的集中性、石器时代的完整性以及多元结构的民族文化特点;论证了以上特点是由地理环境及历史的各民族文化活动所致。     

Britische Politiker als Liebhaber der Wissenschaft (ca. 1850–1914) — Zur Ideologie des Amateurismus

The various scholarly and scientific endeavours — comprising both arts and sciences —, which British statesmen persued in their leisure time, transcend the mere biographical aspect. In the light of the slow, yet steady professionalisation of educational and political institutions, many of them modernised or newly created in order to achieve what came to be called “National Efficiency”, the literary and scientific pastimes of men, like Gladstone, Morley, Salisbury, Balfour or Haldane, seemed soon to become somewhat obsolete. Yet, it is argued, that the often professedly amateurish activities did not merely display the traditional hobby attitude to the sciences, so characteristic of the wealthy aristocrat, but in some cases revealed a good understanding of the scientific and educational needs of society, leading up to their active advancement. The British amateurs, it would seem, were pleading for providing a balanced higher education and training, rather than going for the technical excellence of the political rival Imperial Germany, which dazzled and, at the same time, intimidated some of them.     

Preservation of DNA in ancient Egyptian mummies

The presence of DNA has been demonstrated in the cell nuclei of an ancient Egyptian mummy fragment. When extracted, this DNA proved to be degraded to a considerable extent and chemically modified. However, the preservation of nucleic acids in this specimen suggests that applying recombinant DNA techniques to the study of ancient mummified tissues might prove to be a fruitful future area of research.     

无线网络深度覆盖技术在石窟寺保护利用中的运用——以敦煌莫高窟为例

针对莫高窟在保护利用数据传输过程中出现的问题与发展趋势,提出了利用无线网络深度覆盖技术构建数据传输平台,解决莫高窟大型洞窟内保护利用数据无法传输的问题。为构建实用性强的传输平台,采取了如下措施。首先,针对莫高窟保护利用各项业务数据采集、传输模式、传输机制等各阶段特点,提出了基于无线网络深度覆盖技术构建数据传输试验平台的需求;其次,设计了试验平台构建方案,依据莫高窟洞窟分布与建筑形制确定了试验平台构建位置。结合莫高窟目前无线网络覆盖现状,通过选型分析确定了无线网络深度覆盖关键技术,并应用该技术构建试验平台;最后,对试验平台无线信号覆盖范围、信号强度、传输性能、安全性等进行验证,确保数据传输的完整性与连续性。此试验平台已运行一年有余,应用效果良好。     

Connections between populism and nationalism: Evidence from Jair Bolsonaro's speeches

Recent studies have warned about the close relationship between populism and nationalism. This article offers an empirical contribution to the examination of this relationship by analysing the presence of populist and nationalist elements in the official speeches of the outgoing Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. We make two contributions to this expanding literature. First, we show that the supposed ambiguity between populism and nationalism can be resolved by an approach that clearly separates the two concepts. Second, we find that Bolsonaro is more populist than nationalist. His populism has elements in common with other European populist leaders (attacking political parties and the political class), but he distances himself from them by presenting authoritarian traits. Nativism is completely absent (unlike in Europe), but ‘sovereignism’ (‘us’ vs. ‘other nations or institutions’) and ‘civilisationism’ (‘us’ vs. ‘minorities’) sometimes overlap with populism. We conclude that a tension exists between populism and nationalism that can endanger the ‘good’ relationship between the populist leader and their supporters. This is something that future research on populism should consider.     

The consequences of nationalism: A scholarly exchange

The main thrust of the scholarship on nationalism has so far been concerned with its origins. But nationalism also has effects. Whether it underpins the nation-building efforts of states, is mobilised by counter-state forces or is used in everyday life, nationalism might implicate a wide range of substantive outcomes, including political regimes, public goods provision, citizenship and immigration laws, and different patterns of conflict. Yet—with a few notable exceptions—the consequences of nationalism have received significantly less scholarly attention. In response, the aim of this Exchange is to create a new dialogue between different strands of scholarship around what we know and do not know about the consequences of nationalism. We organise this Exchange around the following questions: (1) What is nationalism? (2) How can we measure nationalism? (3) What are the consequences of nationalism? (4) What are new research frontiers?