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倪亚清  张惠敏 《东南文化》2016,(4):38-42,2,68,129
2001年9月浙江省临安市文物馆组织清理了一座唐五代时期墓葬。墓葬平面略呈船形,为多耳室、多壁龛的券顶砖室石门单室墓。随葬器物以越窑青瓷器为主,有少量的银器和铜钱。墓葬年代早于临安青柯五代墓、晚于临安晚唐钱宽水丘氏夫妇墓。墓主人应为五代钱氏王室成员或功臣,很有可能为钱镠第二子钱元玑墓。该墓的发现为研究五代十国时期墓葬形制、越窑瓷等提供了珍贵的实物资料。  相似文献   
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国内城体育场地点遗址是吉林省集安地区一处重要的高句丽建筑遗迹,通过对出土遗物和相关文献等的分析可以发现,体育场地点遗址可能是高句丽时期一处与"御膳房"相关的仓储遗迹,它为寻找国内城时期高句丽的王宫遗址提供了重要线索。体育场地点遗址的年代上限应不早于371年,在高句丽迁都平壤(427年)以后逐渐废弃。  相似文献   
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胡兵 《东南文化》2016,(5):51-70
2013年淮安市博物馆发掘淮安王庄村汉墓群,共清理汉墓97座。墓葬形制多样,排列有序,共同位于一大型土墩之下,与淮安地区传统族葬墓有明显的区别。墓葬随葬器物丰富多样,器物组合时代特征明确。从出土器物和墓葬形制及排列情况分析,墓葬时代在西汉早期至东汉时期,墓葬之间在年代上有明显的承继关系,是一处大型汉代土墩墓。该墓地的发掘为研究淮安乃至苏北地区汉代墓葬特别是汉代土墩墓类型提供了极其重要的新材料。  相似文献   
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Al‐Khafaji is a central and well‐known point on the early third millennium BC map of the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Bat, in the Sultanate of Oman. For years, Kasr al‐Khafaji (“Tower 1146”) has been understood as an Umm an‐Nar (ca. 2800–2000 BCE) monument standing amid a contemporary village. However, recent excavations by the Bat Archaeological Project (BAP) reveal that the entirety of the known site—monument(s) and settlement—is situated on an anthropogenic clay mound that elevated it meters above the surrounding landscape. This paper presents the results of BAP's recent excavations, emphasising the social spaces created by architecture of various functions and scales. It also considers the implications that this new interpretation of al‐Khafaji may have for how the relationship between Umm an‐Nar towers and settlement should be understood. The paper closes with a discussion of Umm an‐Nar tower function and social meaning, concluding that the Khafaji monument(s) likely served a symbolic and possibly performative role in Umm an‐Nar society that was perceived as separate from Umm an‐Nar settlement.  相似文献   
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20世纪50年代初期,以民族为名称的各层级自治区非均衡地建立,致使政府在已建立民族区域自治的地区与尚未建立区域自治的民族地区执行经济政策时出现偏差,经济政策偏差产生的优惠差异引发了都安瑶族群众谋求民族区域自治的问题。为了解决瑶族谋求民族区域自治问题,在采取经济政策调整和相应政治措施调整无果之后,为配合民族区域自治政策的落实,政府继而采取政区调整的方式,通过一系列行政区划调整的探索,最大限度地将瑶族纳入瑶族自治县内。最终,通过政区调整满足了少数民族对民族区域自治的需求,实现了民族地区各民族的和解与社会稳定。  相似文献   
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For almost sixteen years now, politics in Turkey have been analysed with reference to the theme of victimhood. It is true that the political discourse of Turkey's Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi or AKP) gained its power by the mass response to its victimhood claims. Nevertheless, as this article argues, the legitimacy of the victimhood claim rests mainly on the already‐existing emotions of masses, aroused and triggered by political elites. Thus, Turkish politics during the AKP period cannot be thoroughly understood without taking into consideration the emotions of both political elites and the masses. This article shares insights into the sixteen‐year‐long AKP reign of power based on Recep Tayyip Erdo?an's appeals to such emotions as humiliation, envy, disgust, hatred, anxiety, and anger. It further argues that these emotions reveal a much deeper and stronger emotional trait which we identify as ontological ressentiment.  相似文献   
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Editor’s Note     
Most previous studies have held that the system of Tubo gaoshen (an honorary identity mark) was an imitation of a similar system in the Tang dynasty, referring to the latter’s official costume decorations for its stratified office-holders. These studies have not given due attention to the characteristics of the title itself. From the perspective of the change of the Tibetan name and based on existing research results and historical records in both Tibetan and Chinese, this article tries to offer a new understanding and preliminary discussion on the development of Tubo gaoshen and several related issues. We find that there are two paths in the evolution of its name: One is from Sug to Yi Ge or Yig, the other is from Yig tsang to Yig tshangs. The former is used to denote a concrete gaoshen and can be added as a prefix while the latter denotes the abstract idea of gaoshen and no attribute can be used before it. When the two are used together, the latter is used before the former, such as in: yig tshangs pa ni zangs kyi yi ge gtong/ (As to the gaoshen [yig tshangs], [he] is awarded a bronze yi ge).  相似文献   
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文章通过对中国江西省地方志《吉安府志》和韩国全罗道南原府地方志《龙城续志》中关于本贯记录的比较,说明"本贯"一词在古代中国社会和同时期的韩国社会具有不同的含义。本贯在古代中国社会表示"相应人物的本籍地",但是在同时期的韩国社会,则是指相应人物"远祖的本籍地",而相应人物的远祖是几百年以前或者一千多年以前存在的。而且,本贯在中韩两国的不同含义源于两国姓氏制度与本贯制度发展过程的差异。  相似文献   
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