How proactive? How pacifist? Charting Japan’s evolving defence posture

After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's ‘proactive pacifism’ are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese ‘remilitarisation’. A nation’s defence posture can theoretically be hijacked by aggressive nationalists, shift to pacifist isolationism, or rely on non-military internationalism or multilateral security cooperation. This article assesses competing explanations about the post-war trajectory of Japan’s defence posture by charting variation in military doctrine and capabilities. The analysis finds that Tokyo has made incremental policy adjustments under domestic and international constraints, and is not aggressively remilitarising.     

The Importance of Status: The US–ROK Alliance Cohesion and the First Korean Nuclear Crisis, 1993–94

The US–ROK alliance during the First Korean Nuclear Crisis provides the most likely case of high alliance cohesion. Curiously, however, instead of dancing to the American tune in their joint management of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) threat, the Republic of Korea (ROK) caused frequent policy collisions – supporting the US–DPRK negotiations at one point and opposing it at another – at the risk of jeopardizing its physical security. The main finding here is that the variations in the South Korean behavior were a function of their experience of status inconsistency. In particular, the ROK became compliant with the US–DPRK talks when it believed that its desired status marker of taking the leadership role in crisis management was within reach, and unyielding otherwise. These fluctuations ended up not only eroding the US–ROK alliance cohesion but also inhibiting a successful resolution of the crisis. All this bears directly on the fundamental question of whether international politics is to be understood in essentially realist terms.     

Le “serviteur” et “élu” d’Is 42,1 et ses disciples en Is 54,17ss

Abstract

En Is 41-48 le terme “serviteur” est appliqué à Israël selon le principe du transfert sur la descendance des Patriarches des titres davidiques du Ps 89 conformément à ce que propose le Ps 105. Les exilés effectuant un voyage semblable à celui d’Abraham sont appelés à jouer un rôle important dans la reconstruction. En Is 42,1 et 49-53 après de premières désillusions, le “serviteur” apparaît comme un individu qui doit servir de médiateur pour assurer le renouveau d’Israël en permettant particulièrement de lever les malédictions d’Is 6. En Is 54-66 le terme “serviteur” apparaît uniquement au pluriel, ces “serviteurs” se présentent comme les disciples du “serviteur.”     

Symposium: Australia–US Economic Relations and the Regional Balance of PowerAustralia–US Economic Relations following the 2005 Free Trade Agreement

The Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) came into force on 1 January 2005. Australia's exports to the US have since stagnated, while imports into and US investments in Australia have surged. This article analyses Australia–US economic relations with a focus on trade and investment flows. In addition, it examines the capital raising by US investment banks for these projects. The analysis traces the effects on the relationship of the Global Financial Crisis, the resources boom in Australia and the rise of the Australian dollar.

澳美自由贸易协定2005年元旦起生效。自那以来,澳大利亚对美出口止步不前,而来自美国的进口和投资却一路上扬。本文考察了澳美经济关系,重点分析了贸易和投资流。此外作者还研究了美国投资银行为那些项目的融资。以往分析研究探索了全球金融危机、澳大利亚起源开发热以及澳大利亚元升值三者之间关系所受的影响。     

The alliance echoes and portents of Australia's longest war

Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered over 12 years. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much—probably almost all you need to know—about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the USA pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts.     

Institutions,informality, and influence: explaining nuclear cooperation in the Australia-US alliance

ABSTRACT

Nuclear cooperation has been a consistent feature of the Australia-US alliance. In the 1950s and 1960s, Canberra explored transferring US nuclear weapons to Australian forces operating in Southeast Asia. Since the 1960s, Australian governments have supported hosting joint facilities that contribute to America’s ability to execute global nuclear operations. And Australia has regularly invoked the nuclear umbrella as part of the alliance. We explain the key sources of nuclear cooperation in the alliance by leveraging realist and institutionalist theories of alliance cooperation. While realism explains limits to US nuclear commitments in the 1950s, institutional explanations are more relevant in pinpointing the sources of nuclear cooperation and in explaining why Australia has often achieved its policy preferences as the junior partner.     

日英同盟解体的原因及其对日本的影响

《四国协约》生效后日英同盟协定自动失效,同盟宣告解体。从表面原因来看,日英同盟解体是日美矛盾发展到军备竞赛的激烈程度致使美国成压力图与美国保持友好关系的英国放弃与日本的结盟,以避免英美之间直接军事冲突的结果。但从根本上来说,任何两国之间的国家利益不可能长久地保持一致并维持永久性同盟关系,从这个角度出发,审视同盟的解体则是日英两国的国家利益产生矛盾和冲突,以致在同盟范围内无法进行协调的结果。本文即从日英同盟解体的根本原因入手,分析了同盟解体及其对日本产生的影响。     

论“约束”——从汉代有关“约束”的几件石刻谈起

1931年河南偃师出土一件汉代石刻东乡通利水大道约束刻石,而铭文长期未得通读。本文从考释该石刻文字入手,对有关汉代"约束"文书的几件石刻及简牍材料铭文进一步确释,并予以综合研究,梳理"约束"在古代的缘起与存续过程,指出"约束"这一文书形式与民间民众组织的密切关系,说明类似石刻材料是研究古代基层社会的重要资料。     

从温县盟书谈中国古代盟誓制度

所谓盟誓 ,指人们用言辞共相约束。盟誓的言辞 ,《左传》称之为“载书”。盟与誓有时是有差别的。《礼记·曲礼》说 :“约信曰誓 ,莅牲曰盟。”盟是两个人、两个集团及其以上之间的行为 ,通常采用神秘的仪式。就是说举行盟礼 ,要杀牲歃血以表示神圣与庄重。中国古代对血有所崇拜 ,先民有血祭的习俗 ,牲血被认为有避除邪恶的功能。一件器物新成 ,要涂以牲血叫“衅”。盟誓用口饮血 ,叫“歃血” ,是取信于神的一种仪式。盟多由掌权者主持 ,称为“盟主” ,而且盟是用于加强外交 ,巩固内部秩序的重要手段。誓则常见于军旅主帅誓师、祭祀、诉讼及…