古濝关考

古濝关即为现济源市邵原镇东侧的邵原关,郦道元《水经注》中记载有偏误之处,此关在中国古代的军事史上占据着重要的地位,是我国古代太行山上最重要的关口之一.     

《文选》为何不收五言四句体

五言四句体到了梁代,呈现出空前繁荣的局面,成为当时人五言诗中最重要的体制之一。而产生于这个时期的名选本《选》却没有登录一首五言四句诗。本从萧统的学观点、审美理想、人生经历、思想性格等方面分析了其中的原因,并由此进一步探讨了梁天监、普通年间的坛风尚。     

从文徵明的经历看明中期吴中士商关系之渐变

明代中期尤其是正德以后,中国社会,尤其是经济文化发达的江南地区社会开始发生显著的变化,而作为社会的精英阶层,这种变化鲜明地体现于士人身上。吴中地区城市工商经济的发达,导致部分士人对生活方式作出了全新的选择,并由此带动了当地士风的变化。文徵明作为出身官僚家庭的传统文人,一向以保守、审慎著称,但在大环境的影响下,他也以各种方式参与当时的文化市场,并对商人、商业活动有着不同于以往士大夫阶层的全面评价,从中我们可以看到吴中社会风尚的深层变革。     

《全宋诗·文彦博诗》辑补

文彦博是北宋的一代名臣,在文学和书法上也颇受推崇,传世文集有<文潞公集>40卷.<全宋诗>卷273至卷278"文彦博"条下辑录了他的诗集,集外又补辑8首,但仍有遗漏.本文主要根据<两宋名贤小集>和乾隆<济源县志>及同治<榆次县志>、<宋人小集>等文献,辑录集外佚诗计35首又2句.并勘正4处讹误.     

石鼓文谜底的疑点与契合点——姚大荣《石鼓文足征记》研究

在中国唐代,人们在古陈仓发现了十个刻有文字的鼓形石,人们叫它＂石鼓文＂。石鼓文的发现引起了人们广泛的兴趣,至今没有定论。本文在广泛研究了各家学说后,认为以姚大荣为代表的观点比较有说服力。文章在简述了姚大荣二十一条论证后,本文笔者也从笔迹学等方面提出了自己的看法。     

河南博物院藏明清时期的印章

本文对河南博物院收藏明清时期的印章加以论述考证,概括它们各时期的特点等。     

试论《语丝》时期江绍原的“天癸观”研究

在民俗学研究中国化的早期阶段,江绍原是最先引进国外人类学方法系统研究中国礼俗迷信的拓荒者,他对中国人“天癸观”的研究特别引人注目。当时处于民俗学运动中心的江绍原在成为《语丝》周刊主要撰稿人之后,开始扩大范围征集有关月经的礼俗迷信材料,取得了一定的成绩。尽管后来他计划写作的《血与天癸》不幸夭折,但他在月经礼俗迷信研究方面的大胆尝试具有深远的学术影响。     

The origin and evolution of the concept of mixin (superstition): A review of May Fourth scientific views

ABSTRACT

This article explores the evolving connotations of the concept of “superstition” up to the establishment of “superstition studies,” in an examination of the process of secularization experienced by early modern Chinese thought under the impact of Western science. In traditional texts, the Chinese term mixin (迷信, literally “delusional beliefs”), modernly translated as“superstition,” carries diverse and variable meanings: aside from referring to the proper or improper content of ideas and beliefs, mixin also has political connotations, broadly referring to beliefs or behaviors differing from the official rituals. On an ideological level, the traditional concept of mixin refers to a category of thought opposed to Confucian concepts such as the cosmology of Heaven, Earth, and Man, or the idea that “for a man to sacrifice to a spirit which does not belong to him is flattery.” In the late Qing Dynasty, as the idea of “superstition” as opposed to “science” was introduced via Japan, the traditional connotations of mixin evaporated, and it merged with other neologisms. From the late Qing to the early Republic, the parameters of “superstition” were expanded to encompass anything at odds with “reason.” This was also a reflection of China’s shift from the “Classical Age” to the “Age of Science,” as Confucian concepts and scientific ideas successively served as the criteria for judging “superstition.” As of the present, a consensus has yet to be reached on how to distinguish between “religion” and “superstition.” This paper shall seek to clarify the connotations of mixin or “superstition” in different contexts and their connection to the changing times, which may aid in understanding the complex facets of this issue.     

《容成氏》“文王服九邦”考辨——兼论《容成氏》的主体思想及其学派归属

《容成氏》所述"文王服九邦"一事,存在着作者根据其主观立场,对史实进行增饰和改造的现象。作者之所以改造"文王服九邦"故事,并将其置于《容成氏》的"革命"之说中,主要是为了反衬"武王伐纣"的残酷性,从而凸显"禅让"优于"革命"。《容成氏》凸显"汤武革命"的暴力特征,是其不纯属于墨家或儒家学派的一个标志。《容成氏》的叙事风格及其思想,也受到了战国纵横家一定程度的影响。因此,《容成氏》可谓一部糅合了儒家、墨家、纵横家思想的具有"杂家"特色的作品。《容成氏》的这一特色,反映了战国时期楚地学术思想走向融合的趋势。     

王引之《经义述闻》对虞翻《易》注的辨驳

论及清代<易>学,今人多仅关注其钩沉整理汉<易>之功,以至于对清代<易>学的认识有失片面.其实,清吴派学者对汉<易>多钩稽之业,而皖派学者对汉<易>则多所辨驳之功.吴派和皖派学者都以探求经籍本义为归.吴派学者因汉儒去古未远,因而致力于汉<易>的钩沉,以求古之途径而求是;皖派学者则认识到汉<易>亦非尽得<周易>之本义,因而信其所当信,疑其所可疑,以考据之途径而求是.皖派释经方法至高邮王念孙、王引之父子而益精.本文通过梳理王引之<经义述闻>中对虞翻<易>注的辨驳,从一个侧面探究皖派学者解<易>特色,冀对清代<易>学有更为全面的评估.