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1.
The Cook Islands Government spends more than 40 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP). Its tax revenue is capped at 25 per cent of GDP under a 1998 austerity package agreed with its creditors New Zealand, Nauru and the Asian Development Bank. Non-tax revenue is 5 per cent of GDP, and external aid fills the resulting gap. This recently renewed reliance on aid contrasts sharply with the strong performance of the economy’s private sector, driven by a booming tourism industry, which has pushed the balance of payments into a huge surplus and raises important questions about the allocation of the gains from growth.  相似文献   
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Abstract

This article reconstructs the dynamics of delegitimation of political opponents in the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC), which had a relative majority and almost uninterruptedly led Italy’s governments from 1945 to 1992. The DC built its strategy of delegitimation on two levels, an ideological-religious one and a systemic one, which were only partly interdependent and overlapping. In almost half a century, the DC aimed its rhetoric and politics of delegitimation mainly at those opposition parties it considered as anti-establishment, that is, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the neofascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), and the form of delegitimation changed a great deal over this period. However, it is possible to grasp a specific dynamic: from a rigid form of delegitimation, from time to time it became possible to legitimate (at least in part) the opposition parties at different times and in different ways, depending on the changes in the political sphere and in society. It was a process full of contradictions and ambiguities within which the political enemy gradually gave way to becoming a political opponent.  相似文献   
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论中国朝野对新银行团的回应   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
马陵合 《史学月刊》2004,3(10):61-65
1920年10月,美国倡议组成了新银行团。新银行团正式成立后长期无所作为,并逐步表现出更为明显的垄断性,中国朝野期望值逐渐降低,对其所体现的强权政治色彩愈益有了清醒的认识。中国民族主义的目标更加集中于政治层面,废除不平等条约的要求取代了关于铁路外债利弊的讨论。  相似文献   
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青铜文物缓蚀剂效率及封护剂抗腐蚀能力的比较研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
为评价青铜文物缓蚀剂效率及封护剂抗腐蚀能力进行了两项电化学实验。一是利用直流腐蚀的极化电阻法对缓蚀效率评价,二是应用恒电位交流阻抗法对涂层的抗腐蚀效率评价。实验表明,复合缓蚀剂的缓蚀效率优于单一缓蚀剂如AMT、BTA,在模拟中性土壤介质的水溶液中各自缓蚀效率分别为88.7%、94.6%,两者组成复合缓蚀剂后其缓蚀效率高达98.8%,这是发挥其缓蚀剂各组分的协同效应的结果。应用恒电位交流阻抗实验,可以更好地理解附着有封护层时复杂的腐蚀过程。结果表明,石蜡涂层样品的Nyquist谱图出现扩散过程引起的阻抗特征;聚乙烯醇缩丁醛涂层、Paraloid B72涂层、空白样(缓蚀层BTA)三种样品Nyquist谱图均是由于涂层微孔引起的阻抗特征,在同一浓度下其抗腐蚀性能排序呈依次递减趋势。  相似文献   
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This paper examines health differences between two distinct samples within an African American skeletal population by investigating variation in osteoarthritis (OA) patterns, the presence of enthesopathies, fractures and cause of death. Surveys and statistical treatments tested the hypothesis that two samples within a population that have different socioeconomic contexts will present associated differences in health. Binomial statistics were used to examine differences in OA patterns and prevalence within and between groups, and according to age and sex. These data were paired with information on the presence of enthesopathies at select muscle attachment and insertion sites to add another dimension to the assessment of mechanical strain. Finally causes of death, when available, were recorded to compare leading causes within and between samples, as well as with the larger population. Data reveal significant differences in the prevalence of OA between groups. Significant differences also presented when comparing the prevalence of unilateral and bilateral affect. Although a number of differences in health status observed can be attributed to age, relationships between the presence of OA and enthesopathies in a portion of the sample indicates that degenerative change and hypertrophy in the samples reflect both systemic and non‐systemic change. The presence and pattern of fractures and causes of death are also suggestive of differences in social context between the two samples. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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A recurring abolitionist theme was that the failure to destroy southern black slavery would eventuate in the enslavement of northern white laborers. During the 1830s this theme was the particular province of a few evangelical, markedly antimaterialist 'left' abolitionists like William Goodell. More inclined than their cohorts to regard the northern social order as oppressive for increasing numbers of workers, these abolitionists were also more likely to accuse capitalist 'aristocrats' of aspiring to go further and chattelize their workers in emulation of their southern slavocrat allies. Such white-chattelization warnings, which assigned a virtually coequal role in the slave power to malevolent employers and other northern 'aristocrats,' were supplanted in the late antebellum period by ones that instead targeted slavery's mulattoization and the southern slavocracy's proclivity for exploiting this ongoing erosion in racial boundaries. These white-chattelization warnings, which Goodell also notably promoted, acquired greater antislavery support than had the earlier anticapitalist ones. The late-antebellum warnings substantially reflected the ascendance of northern nationalism and the additional legitimacy that it conferred on capital-labor arrangements in the free states.  相似文献   
8.
This article takes as its starting point the ancestral connection linking George Washington, first president of the United States, to the parish of Warton in north Lancashire. But rather than simply repeating the various details of this ancestry, this article considers instead the ways in which the Warton–Washington connection has been used within acts of ‘commemorative diplomacy’ — informal and often unofficial activities that deploy cultural memory in the interests of international relations. From the antiquarian endeavours of the 1880s, to the Washington-focused commemorations organized during the world wars, to the Bicentenary events of July 1976, places like Warton have long played a vital role in Anglo-American relations. Indeed, what Winston Churchill famously called the ‘special relationship’ has always been a carefully cultivated ‘myth’ as much as a political reality, and thus rooting it in specific places has been essential, ensuring it seems ‘organic’ rather than constructed, real rather than artificial, old and robust rather than new and superficial. Commemorative activities at Warton therefore offer an important perspective on twentieth-century Anglo-American relations, showing how a north Lancashire connection to the first president has provided an invaluable vector for defining, imagining and celebrating the transatlantic ties of the past and present.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Nineteenth‐century Palestine mapping projects based on systematic land surveying reached a peak with the Ordnance Survey of Western Palestine between 1871 and 1877, conducted on behalf of the Palestine Exploration Fund by officers of the British Royal Engineering Corps. Various other nineteenth‐century proposals for an organized survey of the country—some of which bore partial results while others were never implemented—are also presented. The surveying of one region, Mesopotamia, during the 1830s and 1840s, forms the basis for the discussion of the reasons for the relative lateness of the topographical survey. The sacredness of the region seems not to have been a sufficiently convincing motive for entrepreneurs to organize and finance such a survey. The main reason for the delay in mapping the country as a whole was that it was not especially important, either strategically or geo‐politically, for the European nations engaged in the international struggles in the Middle East until the last quarter of the nineteenth century.  相似文献   
10.
Justin T. Maher 《对极》2015,47(4):980-998
Complicating top‐down analyses of neoliberal development, this article charts how demographically diverse residents in Columbia Heights—a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood in Washington, DC—reinforce and resist dominant narratives of diversity that praise multicultural, mixed urban spaces. These narratives often not only fail to discuss power and equity, they are typically used to market state‐sponsored, upscale development that actively threatens the very diversity appropriated to sell a neighborhood. I argue that many residents initially reproduce this rhetoric of diversity, but discuss power and difference more candidly in their discussion of the neighborhood's history and amenities. Most residents who recently moved to the neighborhood juxtapose praise of diversity with comments that associate crime, litter, and “grime” with that diversity. Residents who grew up in Columbia Heights moved from praising the influx of development and new (largely upper‐middle class) residents to expressing concerns about exclusion, disrespect, and possible displacement.  相似文献   
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