Out of The Shadow of Vasari: Towards A New Model of The ‘Artist’ in Colonial Latin America

Within shifts affecting colonial studies, a ‘life-work model’ employed in colonial art history has been left unexamined. Developed by a contemporary of Michelangelo, Giorgio Vasari (Italy, 1511–1574), this methodology was grounded in particular European social conditions that allowed the creation of the ‘artist’ whose ‘artwork’ was the inalienable product of a single mind and hand. Following the art historical paths laid by Vasari in the viceroyalties leads to dead ends: indigenous artists who efface their individuality; painters who exist with little social or historical context; and artworks whose conservation denies finding the traces of the hands that made them. Because artworks were and are the connective tissue of complex social networks, reconfiguring concepts of ‘artist’ and ‘artwork’ and recasting them in accordance with social practices within Latin America, gains us purchase on how colonial subjects, in their engagement with their material worlds, came to be constructed.

Resemblance to European prototypes is an essential historical reality of colonial artworks: much artwork, particularly the painting, of colonial Latin America ‘looks’ like that of early modern Europe and thus has generated a foundational expectation, laid out in purest form by Manuel Toussaint (Mexico, 1890–1955), that Latin American art history might also look like Europe's. We argue that a mismatch with Europe and its methodologies means that certain, foundational historiographic assumptions about writing art history for Latin America need to be reassessed, in particular the ‘artist’ and ‘artwork.’     

Arms and Men: the Diplomacy of US Weapons Traffic with Saint-Domingue under Adams and Jefferson

This article examines Franco-American Quasi-War Saint-Domingue diplomacy, including the issue of US shipments of arms to Toussaint Louverture's rebellious colony (Haiti). Most experts assume that the United States furnished Haiti abundant munitions, but in 1797 Congress passed an arms embargo for the Quasi-War's duration. From June 1798 until August 1799, after President Adams reopened trade with Haiti, no trade with France or its colonies was permitted. In June 1799, US consul Edward Stevens, British General Maitland, and Louverture agreed to ban Haitian weapons purchases. Unaware that US trade with Haiti was illegal, scholars assume that US merchants and the Adams administration supplied blacks munitions. The only specific arms deal cited, involving Boston merchant Stephen Higginson and Secretary of State Pickering, was unconsummated. US shippers smuggled weapons to Haiti (1799–1801), against US laws and agreements, and probably relatively insignificantly. To conciliate Britain and protect slavery, the State Department risked war with Louverture. Only after President Jefferson, whom historians assume bitterly opposed Haiti, disavowed Anglo-American agreements did US merchants legally sell blacks armaments, doing so in substantial amounts, arousing French protests. The eagerness of Higginson, Stevens, and others to profit from illegal arms sales suggests they followed pecuniary incentives more than antislavery idealism in Haitian policy.