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1.
丁三青 《史学月刊》2003,1(9):68-74
对于自由主义者张君劢来说,他同意民社党出席1946年由国民党一手包办的“国大”,是一个极其痛苦的抉择。他之所以这样做,客观原因.一是民社党生态的困窘.二是国民党投其所好.百般拉拢;主观原因.一是他的充满矛盾的自由主义理念。二是他的“宪法之父”的“宪政情结”.三是他的人格的分裂与异化。  相似文献   
2.
The end of the Cold War, the globalization of markets, and the end of Fordist models of production have all radically changed the context within which the European parties of the Left operate. This article, through an analysis of a broad range of recently published literature on New Labour in Britain and the Democratici di sinistra in Italy (and its predecessor, the PDS), examines the way these transformations have affected the two parties in recent years. Both have for some time been involved in processes of gradual adaptation of their economic and social policies. The texts analysed reveal that within the Left itself there are diverging perceptions of the value of this adaptation. In one view it represents a 'third way' between subordination to neo-liberalism and a social-democratic model now regarded as obsolete. A more critical view sees the changes as giving way to the technocratic Right.  相似文献   
3.
Throughout much of the Soviet period, access to housing was a major consideration, both for individual citizens and employers intent on increasing their number of employees. Because of the heavy emphasis on industry, and despite the progress made within the area since the late 1950s, Soviet urban residential provision never managed to fully recover from the acute housing shortage that characterized the Stalin years. In this paper, we address the quantitative side of housing construction during the socialist era. Using the mid-sized diversified industrial town of Daugavpils (Latvia) as a case study, we set out to investigate the extent to which employers were involved in decisions concerning housing provision. To do this, we consult a large volume of archival records, our focus being on documents tracing entries indicating that new living quarters were ready and could be allocated to employees of sponsoring organizations and enterprises.  相似文献   
4.
Germany encroached in Spain's internal affairs that followed providing military support the Spanish Civil War in the interest of pursuing National Socialist objectives through the establishment of an extensive apparatus of National Socialist organisations in Spain, including the Gestapo. Cooperation was officially established between Spanish and German police on 25 November 1937, which was extended to the Spanish political police on 31 July 1938, when they entered into a secret agreement with the German Gestapo for mutual assistance. The Gestapo trained the Spanish ordinary police and political police to contribute to maintaining the Franco regime in control of Spain, just as the Gestapo in Germany was charged with investigating and suppressing all forms of anti-state tendencies, and exported its methods and proceedings to Spain under the guise of contributing to the struggle against the alleged danger of worldwide communism. In addition to cooperation with Spanish police on suppressing dissent against the Franco regime, other functions related to serving the interests of National Socialist Germany, which deployed the Gestapo for various purposes while Spain constituted an extension of National Socialist Germany's sphere of influence. This was ensured through the Gestapo maintaining a presence in Spain until 1945.  相似文献   
5.
吴文勤 《攀登》2010,29(4):58-62
凸现公共性是社会主义的应有之义和本质要求,然而,在社会主义建设过程中,公共性问题往往会被忽视或扭曲。文章指出了我国社会主义建设中的公共性偏多,认为社会主义公共性的回归要从国家、社会和公民三个层面展开。在国家层面,要凸现公共性,重构国家共同体认同;在社会层面,要培植公民领域,重构国家与社会的关系;在公民层面,要培育公民公共精神,构建公正有序的公共秩序。  相似文献   
6.
This paper is concerned with the post-socialist lives of Communist statues. While acknowledging that post-socialist transformation frequently involves searching for new identities based on the disavowal of the communist past and the de-communisation of cultural landscapes, the paper stresses the importance of exploring complex continuities from the state-socialist period. This is illustrated by a case study of the fates of three socialist-era statues of the Romanian Communist leader Dr Petru Groza which were erected in Bucharest, Deva and B?cia. The paper examines how these socialist-era statues have been de- and re-contextualised, translated and re-valued into ‘post-socialist hybrids.’ The analysis explores the complexities of the historical geographies of these statues after 1989, particularly the way that they continue to play a role in the shaping of identities, societies and politics.  相似文献   
7.
60年代的社会主义教育运动   总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13  
毛泽东在 2 0世纪 60年代发起的社会主义教育运动 ,对于中国历史的向“左”走向产生了极大的影响。毛泽东开展社教运动 ,是以比较谨慎的态度开始的 ,但在毛泽东提出在全党宣讲两个十条后 ,阶级斗争被放到了第一位。而后刘少奇视察大江南北又提出了反右倾 ,使社教运动再升温。与此同时也引起了毛泽东、刘少奇之间的矛盾和分歧 ,使社教运动曲折复杂起来  相似文献   
8.
本文撰写于2011年,通过国家文物事业管理局在红安县召开座谈会,总结交流群众保护文物的情况和经验,与河北省贯彻座谈会精神,开展群众保护文物工作情况等,对开展群众保护工作提出五点再认识,指出它本质上是在文物保护工作中贯彻党的群众路线,对文物工作是带有根本性的问题.  相似文献   
9.
本文通过分析毛泽东在建国前后对社会主义与资本主义谁战胜谁问题的认识,认为在20世纪50年代他在这一问题上发生了两次观念转变,并对这两次观念转变的实质及其依据进行了说明,指出从认识论根源看,导致这种观念转变的根本原因在于其思维方式的转变,即:由主要从生产力发展状况所决定的客观物质条件方面认识"谁战胜谁"的问题,转变为主要从上层建筑特别是意识形态方面来认识这一问题.这也是他晚年对中国国情作出错误判断的根本原因.  相似文献   
10.
Housing shortages in Yugoslav cities were a perennial concern for authorities and citizens alike. They disproportionately affected Yugoslav workers who as a consequence were the demographic most likely to independently construct a family home. This article explores how informal builders justified home construction in moral terms, legitimizing it on the basis of physical labour that was invested in home construction. This was couched in both the language register of Yugoslav socialism and patriarchal custom (according to which a male-headed household should enjoy the right to a family home). Construction was also conditioned by the opportunities and constraints of late socialist temporalities.  相似文献   
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