李鸿章与中法战争“乘胜即收”

镇南关大捷以后,李鸿章力主“乘胜即收”,这是在正确分析中外形势的基础上作出的决断。他的“议和”,是要为中国的“自强”争取时间,创造条件,而不是投降卖国。     

从若干项文物科技成果看我国文物保护技术的发展

20世纪末,我国的物保护科学技术基本形成了具有中国特色的完整的科学体系。在石质物、金属物、纸张物、竹木漆器物、壁画物、石窟物等的保护技术方面取得了多项科研成果,并且达到或接近世界先进水平,使我国许多珍贵的化遗产得到了抢救和有效地保护。     

Corrupted Infrastructure: Imperialism and Environmental Sovereignty in Shanghai, 1873–1911

The introduction of Western science in order to change physical and operational aspects of Shanghai’s Huangpu River had been debated by Qing and Western officials since almost the beginning of its history as a Treaty Port. At stake in those debates was the perception of the river’s proper use: as a natural barrier for military defense, or as a conduit for global trade. After the Western powers unified to militarily suppress the Boxer Uprising in 1900, they attained their long-awaited goal of the right to transform the river for global trade as part of Article 11 of the Boxer Protocol: the Junpuju (or Huangpu Conservancy Board) was created and authorized by the central government to make the Huangpu River navigable for shipping vessels. Although the Junpuju continued the ethos of earlier extra-bureaucratic organizations established during the Self-Strengthening Movement, after 1901 the organization bore the authority of the central government. During the era of the New Policies, Qing officials were intent on revising the original terms of river conservancy so that they would be more favorable to Chinese sovereignty. At the same time, imperialist rivalries among the Western powers ruptured the apparent unity of the earlier alliance during the suppression of the Boxer Uprising. Before long, Western corruption in the Huangpu River dredging was brought to the attention of Qing officials, who deftly used it to recover Qing control over certain parts of the body of the river.     

扬州唐子城城墙遗址的保护现状与思考

全国重点物保护单位扬州城遗址的保护状况令人担忧,尤其是唐子城城墙遗址屡遭破坏,成为扬州城遗址保护中既现实、又棘手的一大问题。对其破坏厚困进行分析,进而提出解决问题的一些方法。这对呼吁人们重视物,从而促进整个遗址的保护,无疑是有积极意义的。     

洋务时期整体外交思想研究 --兼论中法交涉中义利结合外交思想

本文立足于洋务运动史、近代外交思想史既有研究,利用近年来出版的有关档案,考察中法越南交涉这一洋务时期具有代表性的重大外交个案,探讨洋务时期整体外交思想,认为义利结合的整体外交思想为洋务时期清朝政府的基本外交指导思想,从而反思中国近代外交思想史研究中若干误区.     

The Daoguang Response to the Āfāqī khoja Jahāngīr during the 1826–1828 Jahāngīr Uprising

This study examines Qing state attention to the Muslim challenger Jahāngīr, leader of Xinjiang’s 1826–1828 Jahāngīr Uprising. It considers how imperial agents, guided by Emperor Daoguang, defined and processed this contender, as well what this rendering implied for views of “Hui Frontier” Muslims. As will be seen, Jahāngīr was depicted as not just “treacherous” and duplicitous, but also an external “barbarian.” This image – crafted from military reports, imperial edicts, confessions, ritual, sentencing, and punishment – served to clarify a narrative with two salient characteristics. First, the khoja was set as the keystone of the conflict, the management of whom signaled a restoration of imperial integrity. Second, he was differentiated from local Turkic Muslims “Hui,” who (with ambiguity) were framed as Qing subjects. This rendering mirrored earlier Qing (esp. Jiaqing Reforms) depictions of borderland rebel leaders, suggestive of a solidification of the “idea” of Xinjiang as interior to the empire.