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1.
Osvaldo F. Pardo 《Colonial Latin American Review》2018,27(1):2-29
In the sixteenth century, as moral theology was being consolidated as an autonomous academic discipline, theologians at the University of Salamanca, including the Dominican Francisco de Vitoria, began to incorporate current moral and political issues into their teaching agendas. Prominent among these issues were those arising out of the conquest of the Americas. Their students, a generation of university-trained missionaries, then went to work in Spanish possessions in the Americas and the Philippines. These missionaries and men of learning included the Augustinians Alonso de la Veracruz (in Mexico) and Martín de Rada (in the Philippines and China). As their world expanded, Vitoria's teachings were rendered fully intelligible in the confusing reality of the colonial enterprise, and these missionaries struggled to apply his lessons to the questions of conscience they encountered. The result can be considered a new chapter in the relationship between theological knowledge, the production of facts, and moral certainty, all against the backdrop of the territorial and economic expansion of Spain. 相似文献
2.
San Juan,the Fragile City: Finance Capital,Class, and the Making of Puerto Rico's Economic Crisis 下载免费PDF全文
This paper narrates Puerto Rico's fiscal and financial crisis through a reading of San Juan's urban landscape. We underscore the role of capital in the city, primarily embodied by the local capitalist class (the Criollo bloc) and foreign capitalists. Historically excluded from the manufacturing sector (dominated by US capitalists), the Criollo bloc accumulates its wealth by concentrating financial assets in the city. In times of crisis, the Criollo bloc resorts to the acquisition of new assets and asset exchange with foreign capitalists to remain solvent and provide short‐term solutions to the state's fiscal and financial limits. The survival of the local capitalist class, we demonstrate, is dependent on asset stripping. Drawing on Clyde Woods, we document how asset stripping unevenly redistributes wealth and risks along class and racial lines within a colonial economy. The finance capital/asset stripping basis of San Juan's economy renders it an extremely fragile city, we contend. 相似文献
3.
黄大宏 《古籍整理研究学刊》2002,(4):8-14
谭正璧的《三言二拍资料》一书是迄今为止研究明代白话短篇小说“三言”与“二拍”的最重要的小说资料参考书,其搜罗与“三言”与“二拍”成书有关的本事及相关资料十分宏富,足资学者研究所需。但该书也存在一些瑕疵:对所收资料多系罗列,对其与“三言”与“二拍”各篇的关系缺乏必要的深入考辨,故使本事与后出作品间的关系不甚明晰,特别是对本事的远源与近源的辨别上贵远贱近等;偶有资料失收;所录资料与“三言”与“二拍”并非相关等。本文就经眼材料为据,对此诸问题进行了必要的考辨。 相似文献
4.
Mercedes Vaquero 《Romance Quarterly》2014,61(3):202-214
The Poem or Book of Fernán González was probably written c. 1250 by a monk of San Pedro de Arlanza (Burgos, Castile) to strengthen the legendary foundation of his monastery by the tenth-century Castilian Count, Fernán González, and to promote his tomb cult there. The Arlanza poet was competing with the benefits that Santiago and San Millán de la Cogolla were trying to get on legendary accounts of the champion of the independence of the County of Castile from the Kingdom of León. It is clear that this is a work of monastic propaganda, designed to attract pilgrims and donations; therefore perhaps a better title for it would be Poem of the Foundation of San Pedro de Arlanza. The Arlanza poet was fond of the popular and orally transmitted Romance epics (Hispanic and Carolingian songs). He knew Siete infantes de Salas, the tradition of the Youthful Deeds of Rodrigo (Gesta de las Mocedades de Rodrigo), the anti-Carolingian song(s) of Bernardo del Carpio, and the Roncesvals Matière. We also suspect that the poet was recasting a now-lost epic cantar de gesta of Fernán González. This cantar was probably also known by Gonzalo de Berceo, who was actively working in San Millán de la Cogolla, a few years earlier, trying to attract pilgrims and donations. In this article, I try to analyze how much we know of the lost Cantar de Fernán González and if the Monastery of Sahagún (León) also reappropriated it for its own propaganda. 相似文献
5.
This paper describes the hitherto unreported occurrence of mid‐Holocene mangrove deposits in the Richmond River estuary, southeastern Australia, thereby providing evidence for changes in the distribution and composition of mangrove communities within a subtropical estuarine system during the Holocene. Stratigraphic, radiocarbon and palynological evidence indicates that widespread development of mangrove communities took place in the upstream reaches of the Richmond River estuary during the period 7000 to 6000 years BP. These communities maintained their habitat through substrate aggradation under the conditions of a moderate sea‐level rise, in contrast to other estuaries within the region, which generally experienced the submergence of intertidal substrates. Mangrove species belonging to the family Rhizophoraceae, most likely Bruguiera gymnorrhiza and Rhizophora stylosa, dominated these communities, in strong contrast to contemporary communities, which are dominated by Avicennia marina. Moreover, these mid‐Holocene communities were located a considerable distance upstream of the contemporary occurrences of Rhizophoraceae species within the estuary. The changes in the spatial distribution and composition of mangrove communities parallel the large‐scale evolution of the estuary driven by sea‐level variation. Shallow, buried Pleistocene terraces probably contributed to the regionally unique aggradational response of the mangrove communities and their substrates to a sea‐level rise during mid‐Holocene times. 相似文献
6.
1963年,在东阳南寺塔内发掘清理出一件北宋建隆二年(961)的贴金彩绘石雕经函。经函须弥座上所绘之10人乐舞图,与唐代以来佛教的净土思想有关。此类乐舞在北宋中原地区的佛寺中十分盛行,于11世纪中叶之前北传至辽地,并对11世纪末宋、辽墓葬中散乐图的大量出现产生重要之影响。 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(4):340-352
The lifestyles of the three earliest Dominican women's communities were formulated according to their specific historical conditions and exigencies during the years 1206–21. Initially, the women associated with the preaching mission of Diego of Osma and Dominic Guzman were based at Prouille in the Languedoc and followed the Augustinian Rule. The development of the first instituta for Dominican nuns was the result of 15 years of overseeing the lives of the sisters. However, enclosure, and the institutional requirement for its observance, only came about in 1220 with the establishment of San Sisto, when St Dominic wrote an instituta specifically intended for a cloistered nunnery. This paper retraces and elucidates the historical development of the first Dominican instituta for women, and considers the remarkable choice of the Augustinian Rule as the basis for an enclosed women's order. 相似文献
8.
V. Arcidiacono E. Piermarini J. Ochsendorf 《International Journal of Architectural Heritage》2016,10(7):938-953
The Basilica of San Francesco in Assisi endured stronger earthquakes for centuries before 1997 earthquake, which generated the collapse of the two vaults. Experts blame as possible reasons of collapse the damage cumulated from previous earthquakes and/or the retrofitting made to the structure over its lifetime. This article presents the history of the retrofit interventions of the Basilica through the centuries, focusing mainly on the roof, which has been subjected to three major restorations through its life. It is shown using simple analytical models that the cumulative effects of the changes made to the roof of the Basilica affected the structure’s dynamic behavior in a negative manner, increasing the seismic loads on the existing structural members. In particular, the numerical results show that the 1958 roof intervention has stiffened the structure, redistributing the seismic loads on the façade and the transept. This overload might explain the collapse of the two Gothic vaults during 1997 earthquake. 相似文献
9.
三衙,全名为殿前都指挥使司、侍卫亲军马军都指挥使司和侍卫亲军步军都指挥使司,是北宋禁、厢诸军常设之统帅机构。其帅,宋人称作“三帅”、“管军臣僚”,或简称“管军”。三衙制度,与募兵制取代征兵制相适应,肇始于唐末五代,至北宋方渐趋于定型。它的确立,首先解决了中唐以降的藩镇割据问题。兵权由地方集中到中央得以实现。在此基础之上,从宋太祖开始的北宋统治,本着“兵权宜分不宜专”的原则,又从合理调整三衙与枢密院、皇城司以及帅臣之间的关系人手,构建了三衙、枢密使、皇城司主管宦官、帅臣之间彼此相互制衡的严密体系,并加强了台谏对三衙的监察,和皇帝对军政的亲自干预,从而进一步实现了兵权向皇帝手中的集中。 相似文献
10.
张多强 《古籍整理研究学刊》2009,(1):83-86
<三希堂法帖>是清代著名的汇刻丛帖之一,该帖卷六、卷7刻有宋太宗、宋高宗、宋孝宗七件宋代帝王书迹,令人不解的是在这两卷宋代帝王书迹中竟没有宋代书画大家徽宗赵佶的书迹.本文从徽宗赵佶个性独立的书法风格、因艺灭国的君王行为、唯我独尊的书画签押、值得称道的书学贡献等方面加以考述,揭示了此举虽是臣下所为,实乃皇权意志使然. 相似文献