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1.
18世纪晚期,美国为维护海上权益与地缘安全,加剧了与英法之间的矛盾。美国在《杰伊条约》中对英国的让步,换取到美英之间十年的和睦,却导致美法关系紧张,美国与法国从同盟走向准战争状态。最终美法危机得以和平解决,但这场准战争深深影响了美国早期的内政和外交。 相似文献
2.
《一个士兵》以日俄战争中的辽阳会战为背景,描写了一名患有脚气性心脏病的普通士兵由发病到死亡的过程。小说没有选择残酷的战争场面,而选择了疾病与人的对决。本文从疾病这一角度切入,关注小说中有关脚气病、身体的言说,探讨国民的身体在“富国强兵”的社会背景下如何成为国家管理的对象,以及属于国家的身体在遭遇疾病之时如何回复其私有性。 相似文献
3.
民国重庆城市现代化起步于刘湘“军人干政”时期。而川江航运的繁荣,城市精英的觉醒以及刘湘政权的若干举措,为“上海模式”输入重庆提供了重要条件。作为后发外生型条约体系城市,重庆的现代化不仅依靠西方现代性要素的刺激,而且更直接地受到“上海模式”的辐射和拉动。“军人干政”的负面效应致使以“上海模式”为蓝本的重庆城市现代化呈现畸变态势。在“上海模式”的冲击下,在本社会还缺少现代性因素积累的情况下,重庆城市现代化于20年代末期启动。 相似文献
4.
Robert Irwin 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2020,48(4):619-653
ABSTRACT Recent Canadian legal scholarship has emphasised the centrality of treaties between the colonial state and First Nations in the assertion of Canadian sovereignty over Indigenous lands. Historical interpretations, meanwhile, would suggest that sovereignty, rather than asserted, is assembled over time. Historically, sovereignty is understood to be contingent and layered; it is assembled through a series of ‘detours, improvisations and tinkering.’ This paper looks at the historical circumstances of Canadian sovereignty in the Athabasca district prior to the making of Treaty No. 8 with the First Nations. British sovereignty claims to Rupert's Land and the Northwestern Territories (including the area that came to be known as the Athabasca district), were assembled through the practices and activities of the Hudson's Bay Company. These claims were transferred to Canada in 1869 and Canada hesitantly and quietly took measures to further assemble and express its sovereignty in these lands. Canada surveyed and inventoried the Athabasca district's resources, commenced exploratory work on petroleum resources, provided relief from famine, financially supported schools for Indigenous children, and established and enforced a system of law. By the time Treaty No. 8 was negotiated in 1899, Canada had thus taken a series of steps to assemble and express its sovereignty in the district. Rather than establishing, asserting or legitimating Canadian sovereignty, Treaty No. 8 may be better understood as another measure in the process of assembling it. 相似文献
5.
《War & society》2013,32(3):187-208
AbstractThis article examines the lives and deaths of Yokogawa Shōzō and Oki Teisuke, two ‘shishi’ (men of high purpose), captured, court-martialled, and executed by the Russians shortly after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904. While their deaths apparently served little or no purpose, the tale of Yokogawa and Oki was presented to the public in three distinct fashions. The first was to a Western audience in newspaper reports at the time of the war. The second was the manner in which the Russians portrayed them for the home front during the war. Finally, there was the manner in which the pair was presented in a reader for young Japanese boys in the late 1920s. Each portrayal served a distinct purpose that this article will address. 相似文献
6.
PETER TAMMES DENNIE OUDE NIJHUIS 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2011,102(4):455-467
In this paper we study the Dutch rejection of the Constitutional Treaty during the 2005 referendum by comparing the outcomes among the Dutch municipalities. This approach is ideally suited to illustrate the importance of contextual influences on voting outcomes. In addition, it gives excellent statistical opportunities to re‐analyse some of the hypotheses used in previous studies. Based on the existing literature we developed six hypotheses that describe a relationship between the strength of the no vote and the context that shapes voter choice. All hypotheses were in line with our expectations, indicating that contextual influences did matter. In addition, we investigated the relationship between the turnout rate and the referendum outcome. The Treaty was more firmly rejected in municipalities in which the turnout rate was higher. 相似文献
7.
1902年中葡交涉过程中,葡方先后提出扩大澳门界址、在澳门及周围各岛范围内任建工程并协助缉私、修造广澳铁路等项要求,并以承认中外新定税则和协助清政府在澳门征税缉私作为交换条件.中方对葡方企图扩大统治区域等严重侵害中国领土主权的要求给以坚决抵制,使葡方的主要目标不能实现;但为了取得葡方承认新定税则和协助中方征税缉私的目的,在修造广澳铁路问题上对葡方做出一定让步. 相似文献
8.
鸠山内阁时期,同属社会主义阵营的中苏两国都积极主张与日恢复邦交,苏日两国很快实现,而中日两国仍停留于民间交往。其原因是复杂的,文章着重从三个方面分析：1、在鸠山内阁外交战略中,日苏关系先于日中关系;2、中苏两国对日外交方式不同,苏联选择政府间的非正式外交方式,中国选择非政府间的民间交往方式;3、中苏两国对解决日俘、渔业等问题的认识不同,苏联将其视为邦交的资本,中国将其视为邦交的前提。 相似文献
9.
阿尔蒂诺·斯皮内利是二战后“欧洲联邦主义”的代表人物之一。20世纪70-80年代,他为了实现共同体改革,按“宪法方式”推进一体化,积极努力建立联邦式的欧洲联盟。特别是他在欧洲议会组织“鳄鱼集团”,推动欧洲议会制定并在1984年通过《欧洲联盟条约草案》,设计了一个联邦式的欧洲联盟的框架。这个“条约草案”没有付诸实施,但对重新激活欧洲一体化进程、推动共同体改革和《单一欧洲法案》的产生,起到了积极的作用。 相似文献
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《共同防御条约》签署后,台湾当局与美国围绕如何处置大陈及金门、马祖等岛屿展开了新一轮交涉,由于立场不同双方出现了分歧和矛盾。顾维钧在这一交涉中扮演了重要角色,他与蒋介石等对沿海岛屿可能导致“两个中国”问题的警觉,为台美之间最后达成关于沿海岛屿的协议设定了一个底线。 相似文献