罗斯福新政时期美国文官政治化倾向的加强

新政时期,罗斯福总统在扩大政府规模的过程中,通过“政治庇护制”任命文官,使行政部门特别是行政部门中的“政治文官”以多种方式直接参与立法和政策的制订,自主地执行联邦政府的政策,导致美国文官政治化倾向的加强。这种现象不仅源于政治与行政的特殊关系,源于“政治文官”自身的优势,也源于美国特殊的政治体制和社会结构。     

中美关系史上一件"谜案"的历史考察 --"罗斯福下令史迪威除掉蒋介石之说"辨析

近年来,开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威清除蒋介石的说法出现于国内许多论著中.本文从罗斯福对华政策、开罗会议期间罗斯福与蒋介石关系、美在华中国通对蒋介石的态度等方面对这一说法进行了辨析,指出开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威干掉蒋介石的说法纯属子虚乌有.     

“A Most Revolting State of Affairs”: Theodore Roosevelt’s Aldermanic Bill and the New York Assembly City Investigating Committee of 1884

In 1884 Theodore Roosevelt chaired a special committee of the New York Assembly, charged with investigating corruption in New York City departments. Roosevelt had also presented to the Assembly a bill to strip the city’s Board of Aldermen of their power to confirm mayoral appointments. The “Roosevelt bill” sought to break the power of Tammany over these appointments, and reduce waste and corruption. While the committee’s investigation provided the press lurid examples of corruption and incompetence, in the end it did little to diminish Tammany’s power. For Roosevelt, however, the committee hearings served as a perfect backdrop to his Aldermanic bill which was eventually signed into law by Governor Grover Cleveland. The parallel paths of the bill and the committee revealed Roosevelt as a shrewd politico building his reputation as an urban reformer.     

Theodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporation: Executive-Corporate Cooperation and the Advancement of the Regulatory State

Abstract

Theodore Roosevelt's trust policy has been viewed as “progressive” by his contemporaries, dictated by big business by the New Left, and as a precursor to autonomous institutional development most recently. This thesis will instead analyze Roosevelt's actions through a pragmatic lens. Roosevelt's first legislative action in relation to the trusts was to create the Bureau of Corporations. Whilst seemingly ushering in transparency in business affairs through its reporting function, Roosevelt secured executive jurisdiction over publicly circulating its findings, paving the way for private, state-corporate cooperation. Obtaining sensitive information through the promise of discretion, Roosevelt held an implicit leverage over companies, allowing him to threaten to publicize illegalities if they refused to abandon them. The Bureau became a forum for closed-door agreements which achieved tangible amelioration of practice, whilst minimizing the damage entailed by a public airing of corporate America's dirty laundry. I will analyze several Bureau investigations and illustrate the learning curve by which Roosevelt and big business came to an agreement over the parameters of cooperation. Mired by mixed signals from both sides during its early investigations, the emergence of dialectical negotiations over corporate practice and the extent of government-induced public scrutiny came to embody a fledgling cooperative process. These investigations illustrate the pragmatic means by which Roosevelt pursued a conservative, yet effective, reigning in of big business power.     

西奥多·罗斯福对中日移民问题的不同态度及其原因——读他致国会的两份年度咨文

罗斯福在1905年和1906年致国会的年度咨文中分别花了较长的篇幅谈美国排斥中国和日本移民问题,态度与拟要采取的措施却大不一样.对中国移民,他态度生硬、冷漠,强调要严格排斥劳工;对日本移民,他热情洋溢,说要采取一切措施加以保护.此种差异仅以罗斯福的种族主义思想加以解释是不够的.他对实力的崇信才能说明问题.     

General Groves and the Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Part II)

Die Entscheidung für den Bau der Atombombe fiel in den Vereinigten Staaten aus der Befürchtung heraus, daß deutsche Wissenschaftler und Ingenieure die (in deutschen Laboratorien gemachte) Entdeckung der Urankernspaltung waffentechnisch verwerten würden. Aber sobald die U.S.A. sich einmal entschieden hatte, den Bau einer Atombombe ernsthaft zu betreiben, entwickelte das Unternehmen eine Eigendynamik. In dem Bestreben, das Projekt zu finanzieren, ohne daß die Öffentlichkeit etwas bemerkt, wurde es dem Army Corps of Engineers übertragen, in dessen beträchtlichem Kriegsetat die Ausgaben versteckt werden konnten. Das Projekt erhielt den Namen Manhattan Engineer District, um den Anschein zu erwecken, es handle sich um die lokale Abteilung irgendeines anderen Pionierkorps – was später abgekürzt wurde zu Manhattan Project –, und General Leslie R. Groves, bekannt dafür, Dinge in die Hand zu nehmen und zu Ende zu führen, wurde die Leitung übertragen. Die Beiträge der Wissenschaftler waren zwar entscheidend, doch hatten sie wenig Verständnis dafür, was erforderlich war, um ihre Labor-Experimente in den Maßstab industrieller Fertigung zu überführen; darin war aber General Groves ein Meister. Auf dem Höhepunkt des Vorhabens im Sommer 1944 beschäftigte das Projekt in großen und kleinen Einrichtungen überall in den U.S.A. und in Kanada über 160000 Menschen; und es kann als Zeichen für die Effektivität des Sicherheitssystems angesehen werden, daß die meisten der am Projekt Arbeitenden nichts über den wahren Zweck ihrer Tätigkeit wußten und daß die meisten Amerikaner erst durch die Meldung des Bombenabwurfs über Hiroshima vom 6. August 1945 eine vage Vorstellung von dem Projekt erhielten. General Groves war nicht nur für die Konstruktion der Bombe verantwortlich, er übernahm auch die Verantwortung für die Planung des Abwurfs der Bomben in Japan, und er gab – was weniger bekannt ist – auch die Befehle, welche die Bomben auf ihren Weg nach Hiroshima und Nagasaki schickten. Er war von Anfang an entschlossen sicherzustellen, daß sowohl die Plutonium-als auch die Uranbombe noch vor dem Kriegsende in japanischen Städten Verwendung fänden.     

民间资源保护队的缘起和历史地位

民间资源保护队是罗斯福新政期间从事资源保护工作的重要“组织”。它的成立是由一种保护自然资源的愿望和为城市失业青年提供有报酬的工作的需要所决定的;同时它也是罗斯福具有进步主义内涵和特征的社会改革和资源保护思想与实践发展的逻辑结果。民间资源保护队在美国现代历史上占有非常重要的地位,它不仅一定程度上缓解了美国当时所面临的“环境”危机和社会危机,而且扩展了资源保护运动的范围和群众基础,为战后美国的环境运动埋下了伏笔。     

Courting white southerners: Theodore Roosevelt’s quest for the heart of the South

Most studies of President Theodore Roosevelt address his “southern strategy” to revive the Republican Party’s fortunes in a region where it was effectively shut out by 1900. This essay revisits Roosevelt’s approach to the South between 1901 and 1912 and argues that wooing white southerners away from the Democratic Party, more than any other approach, represented Roosevelt’s overriding strategy for the revitalization of the southern GOP.     

‘Imago Mundi’ bibliography (of literature mainly published in 1985–87)

The History of Cartography, Volume 1: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean. Edited by J. B. Harley and David Woodward. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Pp. xxii + 599, 40 colour plates. US$100.00

Kartographische Quellen Welt‐, See‐ und Regionalkarten by Anna‐Dorothee von den Brincken. Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge Occidental, fasc. 51. Turn‐hout: Brepols (for Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut d'Études Médiévales), 1988. Pp. 117, plates.

Chizu no Shiwa: Creases of Map or Essays on the History of Cartography by Kazutaka Unno. Tokyo: Yūshōdō Press, 1985. 4 8419 0009 8. Pp. xii+338, illustrations. Yen 3500.

Maps and Plans for the Local Historian and Collector by David Smith. London: Batsford, 1988. 0 7134 5191 2. Pp. 240, illustrations. £19.95.

Maps for Local History by Paul Hindle. London: Batsford, 1988. Batsford Local History Series. 0 7134 5583 7. Pp. 160, illustrations. £14.95.

American Maps and Mapmakers: Commercial Cartography in the Nineteenth Century by Walter W. Ristow. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1985.08143 17685. Pp. 488, illustrations. $60.00.

Atlas of Great Lakes Indian History edited by Helen Hornbeck Tanner. The Civilisation of the American Indian Series 174. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press (for The Newberry Library), 1987. 0 8061 1515 7 (cloth)/0 8061 2056 8 (paper). Pp. xv+224, illustrations, maps. $29.95.

Cartographic Innovations: An international handbook of mapping terms to 1900 edited by Helen M. Wallis and Arthur H. Robinson. Tring: Map Collector Publications, 1987. Pp. xx + 353, illustrations. £47.     

Modern Liberty and the Moral Contents of Life: An Introduction to the Political Reflection of Pierre Manent

Abstract

Robert Faulkner's The Case for Greatness offers a lively, detailed discussion of Aristotle's magnanimous man and the statesman who embodies this ethical–political ideal. Faulkner's portrayal of the complexity and tensions within this classical portrait of magnanimity and in the souls of its ancient and modern exemplars is compelling, but missing from his discussion is any mention of magnanimity in the Jewish and Christian intellectual traditions and the resources they afford to mitigate and heal these tensions and provide an openness to fuller wholeness and happiness. One of these resources is the virtue of humility, which is discussed here as a support and a supplement to magnanimity. Various statesmen who seem to incarnate this humble yet arguably more magnanimous magnanimity are noted in the last sections of this essay.