“There are thousands who will claim to have been ‘out’ during Easter Week.”: recognising military service in the 1916 Easter Rising

ABSTRACT

Using recently released archives from the Military Service Pensions Collection (MSPC), this article assesses the archival evidence available for assessing how many rebels are recognised as having military service in the Easter Rising of 1916. It argues that while the MSPC contributes towards a more accurate estimation of the number who participated in the Rising, especially in the regions outside Dublin, it does not constitute a definitive figure for rebels active in Easter week. Through an examination of the assessment criteria for military service pensions, it shows how the decision to grant recognised pensionable service for the Rising was affected by geography, politics, legal challenges, the timing of an application, and the subjective assessment of individual assessors.     

MacLiammóir's minstrel and Johnston's morality: cultural memories of the Easter Rising at the Dublin Gate Theatre

This article explores how Micheál MacLiammóir and Denis Johnston attempted to perform cultural memories of the Easter Rising at the Dublin Gate Theatre and thereby articulated their respective views on a colonial past that had to be reassessed anew, on the one hand, and a postcolonial future that still had to be made possible, on the other. By analysing how these two prominent Gate Theatre playwrights sought to commemorate the Rising through mediated performances, this article argues that the Gate Theatre did not simply serve as a playground for disinterested aestheticists but also created a stylised forum where the perceived strain between Ireland's traumatic history and its uncertain future could be addressed and reconfigured into a meaningful teleology. In doing so, this article attempts to demonstrate that the Gate Theatre served as a cultural counterweight to the Abbey's ostensible hegemony as a theatrical force in Irish identity formation.     

战后日本三权分立问题研究

战后,日本通过《日本国宪法》确立了资产阶级民主制度的三权分立之原则和形式,但由于世界范围内的趋势、日本政体的问题和自民党的"一党独大"等原因,遂造成三权失衡即行政权急剧膨胀和立法权与司法权遭到严重削弱诸问题。     

民国文官制度的独特创制

在中国古代,主要是通过科举制度选拔国家官员。科举制度废除后,孙中山主张在五权宪法的框架之中,由国家设置考试院,主管文官的选拔、任用和考绩。这一创新的理论实践于民国时期。在民国时期,文官考试制度开始运作和完善,其中的特种考试和检定考试是我国的独特创制。文官的任用、考绩、升调、奖惩、抚恤等制度称作文官"铨叙"制度,与文官考试制度相辅相成。文官"铨叙"制度最为规范,也是我国的独特创制。     

16-18世纪英国宪制和宪制思想演进

英国16-18世纪宪制的演变比较曲折。内战前混合宪制已形成多年,其相应思想长期流行并影响后世。17世纪中期共和国的兴衰和分权制有名无实,给后人留下经验和教训。贵族寡头权力垄断和内阁制的形成发展,增强了18世纪英国混合制的特色。     

Fama publica,infamy and defamation: judicial violence and social control of crimes against sexual morals in medieval Castile

Control of crimes such as the sin of lust was one way in which the elites at the head of Castilian town councils emphasised their good government. Among all the such crimes, sodomy was considered to be the most terrible, which brought major misfortunes to the population, and against which it was necessary to avenge. For those accused of this crime, or who actually committed it, it meant exclusion from society. For the urban Castilian elites this struggle was a way of justifying themselves as a governing group. Defence of society against sodomites is related to the political context and to the internal struggles of the urban elites. In the lawsuits analysed, there is clear repetition of a series of words related to individual reputation and social esteem: fama, honour, Buena fama, fama publica, infamia. These can be shown to be vital to the defence of the accused, and also frequently recur in the legislation itself. Rumour was also used as propaganda to shape public opinion and to discredit rivals in the struggle for urban power.     

5. GROSSRAUM AND GEOPOLITICS: RESITUATING SCHMITT IN AN ATLANTIC CONTEXT

Contemporary theorists of international relations and historians of empire have found utility in the spatial theory of “Grossraum,” or “great space,” that Carl Schmitt developed in the 1930s and 40s. This article asks whether Schmitt's concept of Grossraum can be fully disentangled from its German history—from the Nazi pursuit of Lebensraum in which it eventually culminated, but with which it is not identical either. I argue that Schmitt's Grossraum theory is neither merely a symptomatic reflection of the Third Reich's objectives, nor a free‐floating theory with strong potential for critiquing imperialism, but is best approached as an important moment in the transatlantic conversation among empires that unfolded between 1890 and 1945 about the sources, methods, and prerogatives of global power. It compares Schmitt with other figures in German geopolitics such as Friedrich Ratzel and Karl Haushofer in order to establish a genealogy of the distinction between land and sea powers, arguing that Schmitt's writings on Grossraum modernize and transmit to the twentieth century the most influential theories of political geography and geopolitics developed in the Atlantic world between 1890 and 1930.     

明代浙江永嘉盐场的赋役改革与地方变迁

文章从明代两浙盐政变革的制度背景出发,考察永嘉盐场成弘时期的盐课改折、嘉靖前期的盐课转嫁、嘉靖后期的私盐倭乱、隆庆年间的赋役改革等历史事件,探讨该过程中州县官府与盐场地方势力之间的复杂利益博弈。对永嘉盐场的个案研究,或许有助于增进我们对明代盐场赋役制度运作和东南沿海社会变迁的理解。     

A New Model of Executive Power: A Montesquieuan Explanation of the Obama Presidency

Abstract

The perennial concern over executive overreach continues well into Obama's presidency, leading many to wonder if the “unitary executive” is here to stay. Discussions of executive war powers focus on three models. The Hamiltonian perspective gives presidents the lead position in foreign affairs; the second model, following Madison, presents Congress as the leader when initiating hostilities. Finally, Jeffersonians present emergency powers as extra-legal, giving presidents a sphere of actions that cannot be contained within constitutional discussions. Problematically, current scholarship implicitly or explicitly grounds these explanations in Locke's political philosophy. This occurs despite a dearth of references to Locke during the Constitutional Convention and infrequent references to his thought during early debates over executive-congressional divisions of war powers. Comparatively, all of these seminal American figures frequently mention Montesquieu, often fighting over the specifics of his theory. While scholars widely acknowledge this influence, they rarely mention him during discussions of war powers or the nature of executive power in general. This article examines the Montesquieuan understanding of executive power and shows how this model represents a viable alternative to the Lockean one. Most importantly, examining the executive from a Montesquieuan perspective provides solutions to current problems that the Lockean perspective does not.