„Siege der Freiheit,welche die Menschen durch die Erforschung des Grundes der Dinge errangen”︁ Wandlungen im politischen Selbstverständnis deutscher Naturwissenschaftler des 19. Jahrhunderts

“Victories of Freedom which Humans Achieved by Research in the Foundation of Things”. - This article analyzes the political self-conception of leading representatives of the natural sciences in 19th century Germany. It is argued that the main feature of this self-conception which remained constant over the time consisted in a strong “rationalization-imperative”, i.e. the postulate that state and society have to be reshaped on the basis of natural science. On the other hand, this imperative was put forward in very different forms and with different political content: it shifted from revolutionary aspirations in the period of 1848 to moderate and sometimes even reactionary positions in the last decades of the century.     

Transnational Constructors of Parliamentary Democracy in Swedish and Finnish Constitutional Controversies, 1917–1919

During the First World War, the legitimacy of established polities was challenged everywhere in Europe. Not only the combatant great powers but also smaller states witnessed a resurgence of constitutional disputes and competing ideological conceptualizations of revolution and reform, the will of the people, democracy, and parliamentarism. While these controversies primarily focused on the future of the national polities concerned, historical experiences and discourses accelerated by the war and the Russian Revolution were transnationally interconnected and contributed to discursive transfers between political cultures. Swedish and Finnish socialists were linked by their internationals, liberals were connected by transnational debates for and against ‘Western’ democracy and parliamentarism, and conservative politicians and academics were involved in ideologically oriented networks. This article reconstructs transnational links and discourses in order to understand the exceptionally confrontational dynamics (which, in Finland, partly led to a civil war) and the outcomes of the Swedish and Finnish constitutional debates in 1917–1919. It examines the nature of the transnational connections of eight Swedish and Finnish conservatives, liberals, revisionist socialists, and far-Left socialists, analysing their argumentation on constitutional questions in published works and parliamentary speeches as illustrative examples of the political groups they represented.     

"文革"中的知识青年上山下乡运动研究述评

"文革"中的知青上山下乡运动是当代中国的重大事件之一.中外学者对这场运动进行了深入的探讨研究,取得了不少成果,发表了一批论文及专著,整理和公布了许多资料,目前在许多问题上已达成共识,与此同时也存在很大分歧,如关于"文革"中的知识青年上山下乡运动的基本动因问题、历史进程及其评价问题,对知青"返城风"及上山下乡运动终止原因等等,这些都有待研究者进行深入细致的研究.此外,在研究中还存在资料收集困难、研究力量薄弱、研究方法单一等困难与不足.     

Buddhism,Democracy and Power in the 1932 Thai Revolution

The People’s Party toppled the Siamese absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy in Thailand in June 1932. Scholars have generally denied that the revolution had any popular resonance, but this article shows that in Buddhism, the country’s premier cultural form, democratic rhetoric in the 1930s resonated among young monks marginalised by the ecclesiastical hierarchy. A group of young monks within the Mahanikai, or Great Order, rebelled against the palace-established Thammayut order that exercised the most power in institutional Buddhism. A “thin” or formal democracy established in 1932 – one displaying the main trappings of a regime of popular sovereignty but purposefully limited in scope by the People’s Party – thus inspired an assertion of a “thick” democracy, or democracy as a much older social value that governed both the Sangha internally and its relations with local communities, which the Mahanikai activists claimed was the core of original Buddhism.

     

论二次革命时期的省议会联合会

省议会联合会是在各省议会联合反对适用<谘议局章程>的斗争中产生的.二次革命前,省议会联合会激烈反对袁世凯政府独裁卖国行为;二次革命爆发后,又企图充当类似国会的角色,发挥国民党政治中枢的作用,但囿于事实和法理,该会既不能联合各省议会,又不能代表民意,作用有限,远不如清末的谘议局联合会.国民党在二次革命军事失败的同时,在政治、法律层面上也看不到任何胜利的希望.     

美国对中国“文化大革命”的反应(1966～1968)

196 6年 7月 ,迫于国际局势的压力 ,约翰逊政府提出了“遏制但不孤立”中国的政策 ,但该政策提出后并没有得到有始有终的实施。美国学者的一种观点认为 ,其原因在于中国的“文化大革命”运动阻碍了美国的外交努力 ,使中美之间失去了一次改善关系的重要机会。然而 ,美国国务院最新解密的外交政策档案显示 ,这一观点的准确性值得怀疑。美国对“文化大革命”运动的反应有自己的政策考虑 :它为中国这场内乱设定了目标 ,即希望这场运动导致中国政局发生有利于美国的变化。 1 96 7年中后期 ,随着“文化大革命”局势的渐趋稳定 ,美国的期望落空 ,美国政府内强硬派人士拒绝进一步尝试新的对华政策     

马克思的五种社会形态理论与陈独秀的“二次革命论”

理论界在考察陈独秀的"二次革命论"的思想来源和理论基础时,往往与苏联和共产国际的指示、与其自身残存的资产阶级民主思想、与国共合作的实际环境相联系,实际上这只是一种表面现象.只要仔细阅读陈独秀的著述,不难发现,陈独秀在论述中国革命的一系列问题时,是基于其社会历史进化观,这种社会历史进化观深受马克思的五种社会形态理论的影响,可以说,马克思的五种社会形态理论才是陈独秀"二次革命论"的理论基础.