White socio-spatial epistemology

Recent work by geographers concerned with the enduring presence of racism has called for an interrogation of the privileges and contingencies of whiteness. Central to this project of denaturalizing White Identity has been the disclosure of its co-constitution with a host of social practices. Building on the work of critical theorists in the humanities and social sciences concerned with masculinist and post-colonial epistemologies, this paper outlines a socio-spatial epistemology of whiteness. Whiteness's central tenets are an essentialist and non-relational construction of space and identity that underwrite its claims to be realized independent of an Other. Spatially, this refusal manifests itself in the deployment of discursive categories associated with scales, boundaries and extensivity in ways that reify space into discrete, unrelated parcels. We discuss some of the implications of this non-relational construction of space and identity in the context of residential segregation and spatial mobility. The paper concludes by noting that historically and geographically specific forms of whiteness have drawn upon a common socio-spatial framing and that further study in this field will benefit anti-racist activism by disclosing the workings of racialization in numerous human geographic contexts.     

The Reputation of the Slave Trader in Southern History and the Social Memory of the South

Proslavery propagandists developed a standard line on the domestic slave trade: the trade was of only marginal importance to the system of slavery, and the trader was an outcast. In recent decades, historians have recognised a strong propaganda element in this position but—even in recent specialist studies of the trade—the assumption has been that notions of paternalism must have caused owners to feel a measure of unease in dealing with the trader. The present study brings new evidence to dispute this assumption and suggests that traders found no difficulty in being accepted as respected citizens of the Old South. The essay points to two key elements in the proslavery position on the trade—first, the notion of the trader as outcast, and second the concept that black people were not capable of deep and lasting emotional suffering. The ‘trader as outcast’ operated at the level of propaganda and was not really believed: the concept of superficial black emotions operated at a deeper level and was internalised by owners. Notions about shallow black emotions allowed slaveholders to break up families and to deal comfortably with the trader while still maintaining a self‐image as benevolent paternalists.     

Racisms compared: Fascist Italy and ultra-nationalist Japan

This article tries to compare the racisms of Fascist Italy and ultra-nationalist Japan as evidenced by foreign policy, attempting to categorize them into three dimensions: the inner logic of the nation state; the justification of expansionist foreign policies; and as an accelerator of cruelty in war. It also surveys Italo-Japanese relations by choosing some points of contact to scrutinize how different racisms reacted to each other.     

“Resurrection Men” in Dallas: The Illegal Use of Black Bodies as Medical Cadavers (1900–1907)

Although illegal in Texas in the early twentieth century for the bodies of indigents to be used as medical cadavers, archival accounts document Dallas’s early medical schools duplicity in such acts, with secret agreements between medical schools and city and county officials. Evidence of African-American bodies stolen for use as medical cadavers was also uncovered archaeologically during the Freedman’s Cemetery Project in Dallas, Texas, in the early 1990s. The repercussion of these and other acts of racism and exploitation are explored.     

Inventing the “Pygmy”: Representing the “Other”, Presenting the “Self”

In this article, I investigate historical representations of Central African Forest People that have been constructed by explorers, scientists, colonial officers, journalists and the European public in order to provide a historical analysis of the concept of the “Pygmy”. Following Said’s argument regarding Orientalism, that “without examining Orientalism as a discourse one cannot possibly understand the enormous systematic discipline by which European culture was able to manage—and even produce—the Orient politically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically, and imaginatively” (1995 Said, E. W. 1995. Orientalism, Harmondsworth, , UK: Penguin.  [Google Scholar]: 3), I will draw on representations of Forest People from written accounts of the last 200 years. None of these accounts should be regarded as representative of Forest Peoples’ own representations of themselves, so what I hope to provide is a clear picture of how Forest People have been represented by others through the discourses of race, evolution and colonialism.     

Latinos in the USA: Changing socio-economic patterns

This paper aims to provide an overview of socio-economic inequality experienced by Latinas and Latinos, suggesting that the increase in numbers and their dispersal throughout the country disrupts the traditional black–white paradigm used in race relations theory. Instead, I argue that the particular historical and geographical experiences of Latinas/os portend complex changes within labour markets and neighbourhoods and across families, ultimately challenging how we think about race relations in the USA.     

Enfleshing Aesthetics: Theological Anthropology in M. Shawn Copeland’s Enfleshing Freedom and Mayra Rivera’s Poetics of the Flesh

To contend with the racist scaling of bodies seems to tend toward the ontological and metaphysical. Counter-strategies entail engagement with the predominant framework – i.e., with its categories of being and its grounds of analysis – however, much subjected to critique and deconstruction. Shawn Copeland and Mayra Rivera both identify and accept this “risk” in their theological projects. I argue that, although each does it with differing relative emphases, their political theologies trade upon an alternation between practical and poetical modes of critical reflection – the one is more negative and formal, the other is more positive and material; and this unitary alternation is what staves off failure in ideology and foundationalism. I furthermore suggest that the practical-poetical alternation I describe represents a contemporary politicization of the aesthetical.     

Resource warfare,pacification and the spectacle of ‘green’ development: Logics of violence in engineering extraction in southern Madagascar

Bringing political ecology's concern with the critical politics of nature and resource violence into dialogue with key debates in political geography, critical security studies and research on the geographies and phenomenology of violence and warfare, this paper explores strategies ‘from above’ in relation to the establishment and operation of the Rio Tinto QIT-Madagascar Minerals (QMM) ilmenite mine in southeast Madagascar. While QMM claims to be a responsible ‘green’ self-regulator and sustainable development actor, it has triggered serious social, environmental and legal conflicts since its inception, including allegations of a ‘double land grab’ to accommodate mining activities and compensatory biodiversity offsetting. We argue that ‘pacification’, theorised as a productive form of violence that works through the re-ordering of socio-nature, underwrites the forms of ‘security’, ‘stability’ and even ‘sustainability’ that facilitate multiple and overlapping strategies of value extraction in the territorial and extra-territorial spaces occupied by the QMM mine partnership. By situating these dynamics historically, we identify ways in which pacification draws upon sedimented and evolving logics of racialised violence to facilitate operations and silence opposition.     

试析南非种族主义政权的区域“扰乱政策”

20世纪70年代,南非种族主义政权根据国际国内形势的变化制定了总战略。总战略在南部非洲区域层面体现在要将相关国家纳入南非控制的体系,而对拒绝接受控制的国家,南非则采取扰乱政策,对它们进行多种形式、不间断、低烈度的扰乱。南非的扰乱政策给这些国家造成了巨大的损失,也阻碍了整个南部非洲区域的发展。但是,随着种族主义政权的垮台,南非的这一政策最终归于失败。