《钦定宪法大纲》与清末政治博弈

《钦定宪法大纲》是清末一个重要的宪法性文件,是各方政治势力博弈的结果。大纲的产生自有其合理的一面。虽然大纲带有浓厚的封建性,但诸多条文仍不乏合理性、进步性和民主性。大纲在中国宪政史上确立了根本法的地位,确立了二元制君主立宪政体,初步确立了分权模式,初步确立了权利义务观念,与西方宪政初步实现了形式上的对接。     

论中国宪政的文化基础

通过对中国宪政历史和现状的考察,中国宪政存在的问题不仅在于宪法本身需要修改和完善,需要确立良好的宪法制度,而且在于中国宪政的文化基础尚需筑实.因为如果不能改良传统文化中的非法治思想,不能培养公民的法治精神和宪政道德,则很难彻底地实现宪政政治.     

Ulama in Islamic Law‐Making and Adjudication in Contemporary Egypt

The article examines the legislative and judicial tasks of Islamic jurists and how they carried it out in constitutional or general legal structure. While the Pakistani experiment was inspired by the Iranian model of jurists' involvement in legislatures, Egypt took a different path by not recognizing any official role for Islamic jurists with ambiguous recognition of Islamic jurisprudence. The legislative role could take the form of incorporating Islamic jurists into the legislature, establishing a committee partially made up of Islamic jurists, or handing over some legislative task to an Islamic jurisprudential institution. Despite the fact that Islamization was intended to respond to the people's requests, it employed autocratic and authoritarian mechanisms. The project attempted to replace the typical class of socially recognized jurists with appointed committees entrusted with Islamic codification. The experiment was challenged for its operation and its Islamicity but never introduced Shari'a courts or Islamic clerical legislation.     

“预备立宪”起点再探讨

清王朝在覆亡前最后几年所推行的“预备立宪”是中国谋求政治革新的开端,是“宪政”在中国的最初试验,在很大程度上影响了此后政治观念、政治建设的走向。厘清“预备立宪”的起点无疑是一个至为关键的问题,直接关系到我们对清政府宪政改革动机以及当时社会发展脉络的认知。然而,学界对“预备立宪”起点的认识并不一致。通过梳理当时的朝野政治倾向可以判定,清政府于1905年7月16日颁布派遣王公大臣出洋考察的谕旨实为“预备立宪”之起点。     

(Un)Doing Constitutionalism: The Cases of Liu Xiaobo and Xu Zhiyong

Based on the cases of Liu Xiaobo and Xu Zhiyong, this article reviews the Court judgments and discussions about the criminal charges of “inciting subversion of state power” and “disrupting public order” used against Liu Xiaobo and Xu Zhiyong respectively. Through a review of the discourses of Chinese legal scholars surrounding the two cases, we focus on the conflicting arguments regarding the Chinese Constitution and the Constitutional right to freedom of expression. This article concludes with an analysis of the political meaning of the two cases by revisiting the debate about the implementation of a Constitutional review and by reflecting upon the political contention between the government’s recent re-ideologisation of the Constitution and the growing calls of Chinese citizens who advocate Constitutionalism as a proxy for political reform.     

抗战胜利后蒋介石对宪政的态度

随着抗战进入尾声,蒋介石对宪政的态度由消极变为积极,而战后的新形势和日益临近的宪政对其政治策略产生了重大影响。政协会议上,蒋对中共和中间势力做出重大让步。政协决议对国民党宪政设计的更改,在国民党内激起轩然大波,蒋发觉事态发展已出乎自己预料之外。国民党六届二中全会上,蒋对宪政的态度暗中转变。在蒋的默许下,国民党虽未公开撕毁政协决议,但政协决议事实上已不能为国民党所执行。会后,蒋介石受党内强硬势力影响,对宪政的态度从温和的积极一变而为强硬的积极。中共态度也随之强硬,最终国共两党在宪政问题上分道扬镳。