Moshe Dayan: “Israel’s No. 1 Hero” (in America)

This study explores how and why Moshe Dayan became the symbol of the modern Israeli hero in American culture. Through an examination of variegated evidence it is possible to discern patterns that illustrate the ways Dayan’s image crystallized, first, in the American Jewish arena, and then more broadly, in wider American public consciousness. With his trademark eye patch and irreverent personal style, Dayan, who more than any Israeli military-political figure captured the imagination of American Jewry, became not only the most recognizable sabra on the American scene but also a chief exemplar of the “new Jew.” Beginning with the War of Independence (1947–49) until roughly the Six-Day War (1967), Dayan symbolized Israel’s youthful, virile, and savvy hero struggling to build a home against all odds. From the Yom Kippur War (1973) to the Camp David Accords (1978) and his death, he came to exemplify a generation of Israelis who wrestled with the Jewish state’s existential geopolitical challenges. Investigating Dayan’s public persona enhances our understanding of his impact on the American arena – the man and the myth – and the ideational linkages so critical to the developing bond between the United States and Israel in the second half of the twentieth century.     

The Agnotology of Eviction in South Lebanon's Palestinian Gatherings: How Institutional Ambiguity and Deliberate Ignorance Shape Sensitive Spaces

A significant part of Lebanon's Palestinian refugees live in unofficial camps, so‐called “gatherings”, where they reside on Lebanese land. Many of these gatherings are now threatened with eviction. By means of two qualitative case studies this article explores responses to such eviction threats. Residents, it turns out, engage in deliberate disinformation and stalling tactics and invoke both a professed and real ignorance about their situation. In contrast to dominant discourses that project Palestinian refugees as illicit and sovereignty undermining, I explain these tactics as a reaction to, and duplication of, a “politics of uncertainty” implemented by Lebanese authorities. Drawing on agnotology theory, and reconsidering the gatherings as sensitive spaces subjected to aleatory governance, I propose that residents’ responses to the looming evictions are a manifestation of the deliberate institutional ambiguity that Lebanese authorities impose on the gatherings. As such, the article contributes to understanding the spatial dimensions of strategically imposed ignorance.     

Inside Checkpoint 300: Checkpoint Regimes as Spatial Political Technologies in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

As a part of the architecture of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories, the Israeli government introduced in 2005 a series of so‐called terminal checkpoints as “neutral border crossings”, to minimise the impact of these barriers on Palestinian lives through a different design and the use of several machines, such as turnstiles and metal detectors. In this article, we analyse terminal Checkpoint 300 in Bethlehem, framing it as a spatial political technology aimed at controlling the movement of Palestinians. More specifically, we investigate the interactions between Palestinian commuters, Israeli soldiers/security guards and the machines operating inside Checkpoint 300. We conclude by suggesting that Checkpoint 300 is a porous barrier whose regime is produced, reproduced but also challenged by such interactions, and that, despite the new “neutral design”, Checkpoint 300 is a place still filled with tension and violence, often exercised by the machines and their “decisions”.     

The Archaeology of the Disenfranchised

The question of multivocality has been much explored and debated in recent archaeological publications. Clearly, the objective of such work is to assure the inclusion of the views of disadvantaged minorities and disenfranchised peoples in the presentation of their own pasts. This objective has not been achieved with much success, however, partly because mainstream archaeologists have had some difficulties in grappling with what appear to be a proliferation of alternative archaeological theories. Few discussions have approached alternative archaeologies as constituting a definable archaeological paradigm that might be termed The Archaeology of the Disenfranchised. Four different models within this paradigm are discussed and a strategy for a more widespread inclusion of alternative archaeological discussions and projects is suggested.     

Multiple Histories: Three Journeys through Academic Records,Medieval Yemen,and Current Anthropology's Encounters with the Past

This chapter sets out to reconsider the interrelation and non-identity between tribal and kinship relations in South-Western Arabia's history through three cumulative methodological steps that are in part inspired by renewed debates on kinship in anthropology, but also by the École des Annales and other historians such as David Sabaean. A first step identifies different legacies of interactions between history and anthropology in the Euro-American academic record after 1945, and specifies their relevance for today. In a next step, prevailing relations between tribal structures and kinship relations will be assessed through a long-distance comparison between the medieval constellations in the Zaydi highlands of Yemen and elsewhere in Asia for an eleventh century time horizon. Thirdly, the outcome of this comparative analysis should then provide some indicators for a fresh assessment of existing source materials through anthropological perspectives, with special emphasis on gender, kinship and hierarchies. The argument concludes with a discussion of “multiple histories”, and how to approach and write them.     

The refugee camp as a space of multiple ambiguities and subjectivities

Analyses of refugee camps have criticised Agamben's conceptualisation of exception, understood as the juridical production of ‘bare life’ by the sovereign. They have emphasised the multiplicity of actors and exclusionary dynamics involved in the production of exception, as well as the politicisation of space. This scholarship has however stayed framed around an ‘exclusionary paradigm’. This article proposes a complementary way to move beyond Agamben's analysis of the camp by reconsidering the idea of a ‘zone of indistinction’ between exclusion and inclusion. It refers to Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan, where many dwellers have a dual status of ‘refugee-citizen’. It analyses how the subject and citizenship are ambiguously constructed as simultaneously excluded and included – and not solely included through an exclusion. To explore these complex spatial dynamics of exclusion and inclusion, the analysis addresses the exercise of three forms of power – sovereignty, discipline and government – by focusing on the materiality of the camp and the practices of authorities managing space. These powers are ambiguously contributing to the inclusion of the camp and its dwellers in the territory of the Jordanian state, as well as in the neoliberal city of Amman, while maintaining the character of the camp as an excluded humanitarian and temporary space. Through this process, camp dwellers are recast not only as assisted subjects and beneficiaries, but also as autonomous and productive subjects, as well as entrepreneurs and consumers. This article therefore argues that the camp needs to be re-considered as a space of multiple ambiguities and subjectivities aimed at creating a differentiation in the city.     

Helping the enemy? Why transnational Jewish philanthropic foundations donate to Palestinian NGOs in Israel

ABSTRACT. This article asks why transnational Jewish donor organisations have been increasingly providing financial support to Palestinian social movements and NGOs in Israel when many of the main recipients are strong critics of the Jewish character of the state and act to promote Palestinian national claims within Israel. The article evaluates a number of plausible explanations, some generated by interest‐centric theories while others are driven by ideational underpinnings. The study concludes that the donors do not view the interests of the Jewish state and the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel (PAI) in zero‐sum terms. Having internalised liberal values of minority rights and pluralism in their countries of residence (mainly the United States), donating foundations believe that the development of the PAI is both normatively desirable and strengthens Israel as a whole because it facilitates the minority's integration into Israel's society and bolsters its civic culture, and therefore, it also contributes to the country's security. These findings are theoretically significant because they demonstrate how the interpretation of communal interest is strongly related to the normative social environment in which transnational activists operate.     

The Dor D Shipwreck and Holy Land Wine Trade

The Dor D shipwreck off Israel is a 6th-century AD scattered site on which Cypriot ballast stones seal hull planking and fragmentary cargo amphorae manufactured in southern Palestine. Petrological studies of the domestic assemblage and roof tiles indicate a Cypriot provenance for the ship, which was apparently returning empty amphorae to Palestine for recycling at a time when consumer demands for Holy Land wines stretched from Yemen to southern Britain. The ship post-dates the Justinianic plague of AD 541 and, therefore, provides important evidence for trade continuity in a period traditionally defined as one of economic decline.     

香港佛头洲遗址2004年考古调查简报

佛头洲原位于香港维多利亚港东面入口的一个小岛。文献记述该岛尚存古代税关遗址,1964年和1979年的调查发现"德怀交趾国遥通贡赋"石碑和建筑构件,但其具体年代难作定论。2004年的田野调查发现多座建筑遗迹,遗物则有瓦当和篆刻石柱等,可以确定该遗址保存清末时期的佛头洲税厂遗存,对于研究香港开埠初期猖獗的鸦片贸易、清末九龙关的沿革和新界拓展等问题提供重要的实物资料。     

RE-ENVISIONING CURRENT DISCOURSE: ALTERNATIVE TERRITORIAL CONFIGURATIONS OF PALESTINIAN STATEHOOD

This paper explores seven scenarios of Palestinian state formation and attempts to propose a suitable peaceful territorial solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict. The ‘good’ and the ‘bad’ features of each scenario are examined against the backdrop of recent geopolitical developments and the complex geographic and demographic realities of the region. Some of these scenarios suggest that a peaceful territorial arrangement should involve incorporating some Israeli territory, encompassing a broad segment of the Palestinian population and exploring the possibilities of sharing territory through condominium arrangements. Drawing anew upon the boundaries and partitioning principle of the 1947 United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, the author offers a proposal for the peaceful and permanent settlement of the conflict. According to this scenario, Palestine would be repartitioned and divided into four political entities: A Palestinian sovereign area on 30.3 percent of the territory, a Palestinian autonomous region on 4.5 percent, an Israeli sovereign area on 55.6 percent, and areas under a condominium arrangement on 9.6 percent of the land. Arguably, such territorial configuration of space proposes genuine options for dealing with the geographical problems of refugee settlement, demography, ethnic composition, and the retention of Israel's national identity (i.e., Jewishness), whilst also suggesting a concrete basis for peaceful coexistence rooted in the geographical imperatives and realities of the region. Cet article évalue sept configurations possibles de l'État palestinien et tente de proposer une solution pacifique au conflit entre Israel et la Palestine. A la lumiere des développements géopolitiques récents ainsi que des réalités ggographiques et démographiques de la rggion, l'auteur examine le pour et le contre de chacune des sept configurations. Certaines configurations font éat du fait que, pour en arriver a une rgsolution pacifique, (a) Ifftat palestinien devra comprendre des territoires actuellement sous le contrdle d'lsrael; (b) il devra regrou- per une forte majorite de la population palestinienne; et (c) le partage des territoires par l'entremise d'enten- tes genre ‘condominium’ mérite d'sêtre exploré. S'inspirant à nouveau du principe des ‘frontieres et du morcellement des terres’ dont fait l'objet le United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine de 1947, l'auteur propose une solution pacifique et perrnanente au conflit. Selon le scenario prefgrt?, la Palestine serait redivisge sur le plan territorial. Quatre entité politiques résulteraient de ce re-morcellement: un état Palestinien souverain sur 30,3 pour cent du territoire, une rggion d'autonomie palestinienne sur 4,5 pour cent du territoire, un état Israélite souverain sur 55,6 pour cent du territoire et une région (9,6 pour cent du territoire) gérge par l'entremise dententes genre ‘condominium’. En même temps qu'elle propose des methodes concrétes de composer avec les problemes ggographiques en ce qui concerne l'établissement des réfugiés, la demographie, la composition ethnique des états individuels et le maintien de l'identite nationale d'lsrael, cette solution propose aussi une base solide pour la coexistence des deux nationalitgs, base ancrtée dans les imperatifs et les réalités ggographiques de la region.