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1.
With the onset of the Arab uprisings at the end of 2010 and the emergence of popular demonstrations that raised the issue of crises of legitimacy across the Arab states, the literature on democratization in the Middle East and North African (MENA) studies has taken on new dimensions recently. One of the primary theoretical debates that has surfaced in the post‐2011 era has revolved around on whether or not the demonstrations will lead to regime change or increased authoritarianism in the MENA region. One of the crucial developments of the Arab Spring has, then, been the overthrow of some long‐standing rulers like Ben Ali of Tunisia and Mubarak of Egypt, as well as the questioning of authoritarian regimes by the masses. The public protests submerged some Arab republics, but monarchies found ways to overcome the public outcry through containing the opposition. This paper, therefore, takes the monarchy of Morocco as a case study with the aim of analyzing the methods and regime‐survival strategies the regime has employed to sustain itself and consolidate power in the post‐2011 Arab uprisings era. Additionally, the role of the Justice and Development Party as an emerging threat in the postdemocratization era, and the changing nature of the party’s relations with the palace, will be addressed.  相似文献   
2.
渤海政权对外有六条交通道路,即通往中原的营州道和朝贡道,通往周边民族的契丹道和黑水道,通往朝鲜半岛的新罗道和通往日本的日本道。本文在以往调查和研究的基础上,根据文献记载和近年新的考古发现,分别对各条道路的走向及沿途的重要遗迹进一步做了比较全面的介绍和必要的论证。  相似文献   
3.
盛世才治新时期,新疆局势渐趋稳定后,他效仿中共基层民主建政做法,使新疆基层政权革新初步凸显中共政治民主化色彩。在县级政权,盛世才效仿中共民主集中制原则,设置县政务委员会,民主议决与执行;在县级以下政权建设中推行区村制、民主选举区村长、实施村代表会制。通过借鉴中共基层民主建政经验,盛世才不仅首次健全了新疆基层政权体系,而且率先引入了中共政治民主化的措施,这也在一定程度上推动了当时新疆各项事业的发展。  相似文献   
4.
本文认为 ,朝鲜半岛著名的史学家金富轼在其《三国史记》中 ,虽然把高句丽与百济、新罗同列于“海东”三国 ,进行平行载述 ,在当时的历史条件下是势之必然 ,在情理之中 ,但其高句丽观在《高句丽本纪》最后的论赞中得到了清晰准确的诠释 :高句丽是中国的割据政权。  相似文献   
5.
This paper focuses on the temporalities of camps and the ways in which abandonment is produced within them through the deployment of temporal bordering practices. It presents empirical ethnographic evidence, gathered between January and June 2017, from Skaramagas and Elaionas camps in Athens. Although intended as temporary humanitarian solutions, many migrants have remained in them for long periods, stuck in a state of temporariness. Camps have been studied extensively through the lens of biopolitics as spaces of abandonment and abjectification. More recently, a growing body of literature is highlighting the everyday micro-politics and tactics of belonging that take place within them. Drawing on the latter, I shed light on the temporal aspects of border control involved in camps, arguing that camps provide a temporal, rather than only spatial, technology that governs encamped migrants through the administration of their time. Thus, the camp governs the critical moment between reception and in/exclusion from the polity. Yet, as I show, within this condition of semi-permanence and semi-presence, camp residents, through the practice of everyday life, being present and visible, create places and give new meanings to existing ones. If the border is enacted through the imposed temporalities of the camp, then its subversion can be found in these everyday place-making tactics. Looking into these micro-practices, this paper contributes to the above debates by exploring camps as temporal technologies of control.  相似文献   
6.
This article deals with the roles of ambiguity and discretion in the governing of migration and how they contribute to the marginalisation of migrants at the borders of EUrope. Building on ethnographic research and interviews conducted in Sicily, it connects legal-institutional ambiguities of two recent policy interventions in the field of migration governance in Italy – the Security Decree-Law and the Hotspot Approach – to the discretionary practices by public officials tasked with their implementation. By theoretically and empirically tracing the co-constitutive relationship of ambiguity and discretion, the article draws on and contributes to recent inquiries into grey areas of governance, particularly in the field of (critical) border regime studies. Based on two distinct cases, it analyses how ambiguity and discretionary local practices are related both to each other and to the contemporary fragmentary reconfiguration processes of the EUropean Migration and Border Regime, and shows how they intersect to form spatio-juridical grey areas that foster the spatial and social marginalisation of migrants in EUrope.  相似文献   
7.
日美同盟关系对日本政治与外交具有决定性的影响力。野田政权以重塑日美关系为支撑,改善同大国和周边国家关系,调整民主党的战略,谋求日本政治稳定的动向尤其显著。在政权面临再交替挑战的微妙时期,日美关系的调试承载着美日多方面的诉求。野田政权与奥巴马政权以四大课题为核心,对日美关系进行战略性安排、策略性地修复,其实质在于解决或跨越难题达成双赢,稳定和强化政治支持谋求长期政权。  相似文献   
8.
Commemorative street names belong to the ideological foundations of the socio-political order. The process of renaming streets figures prominently in a stage of regime change. As a measure of historical revision, renaming the past is a twofold procedure that involves both the de-commemoration of the version of history associated with and supportive of the old regime and the commemoration of heroes and events that represent the new regime and its version of history. This paper examines political processes and commemorative priorities and strategies that directed the renaming of streets in post-World War II Berlin during two successive municipal administrations. The first part of the article explores the failed project promoted by the unelected communist administration that ruled Berlin between May 1945 and October 1946 aimed to achieve a comprehensive odonymic reform that went beyond a mere purge of explicit Nazi street names. The second part examines the substantially downscaled purge of Berlin’s register of street names accomplished by the SPD-led city government that took office after the October 1946 democratic election.  相似文献   
9.
本认为西突厥分裂为附唐与附蕃的两大政权系统乃是噶尔家族专国吐蕃、同唐朝激烈争夺西域的历史产物,这些政权的盛衰嬗递虽不像唐朝所册的西突厥可汗那样脉络清楚,但也同样断续相承,基本上与噶尔家族的兴亡相始终,构成唐、蕃西域角逐的重要内容。  相似文献   
10.
靺鞨族在隋唐之前,先后被称为肃慎、挹娄、勿吉等名,迄今在三江平原及其周围山地已发现多处汉魏晋南北朝时期该民族的考古遗存。北朝后期,勿吉、靺鞨族向南发展,形成地域广阔的七部,其中位于第二松花江流域的粟末靺鞨部,已有三处重要墓群被发掘,其文化特征在本民族原有文化的基础上,又受到了当地原夫余族和南邻高句丽以及中原文化的影响。7世纪末,以粟末部为主体建立起的渤海政权,以接受册封为契机,迅速吸收唐王朝的多项制度和文化,使其政治、经济、文化诸方面开始了全面发展。  相似文献   
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