一个自由主义者的痛苦抉择——1946年张君劢同意民社党出席"国大"动因探微

对于自由主义者张君劢来说,他同意民社党出席1946年由国民党一手包办的“国大”,是一个极其痛苦的抉择。他之所以这样做,客观原因．一是民社党生态的困窘．二是国民党投其所好．百般拉拢;主观原因．一是他的充满矛盾的自由主义理念。二是他的“宪法之父”的“宪政情结”．三是他的人格的分裂与异化。     

近年来中国特色社会主义理论体系研究述评

本文从概念内涵、发展演进、内容架构、基本特征、价值意义等主要方面对近年来中国特色社会主义理论体系研究进行了梳理和评述,在此基础上提出了深入研究中国特色社会主义理论体系应重点关注的四个问题。     

加快民族地区群众文化建设 促进民族地区社会和谐

群众文化是社会主义事业的重要组成部分,是新形势下进行思想政治工作的有效载体。加快民族地区群众文化建设,有利于各族人民开发智慧,增强认知事物的能力;对促进民族地区经济社会又好又快发展,维护民族团结,构建和谐社会,具有十分重要的意义。     

论胜海舟的国家思想

幕末与明治时期的政治家胜海舟,在1853年美国海军上将培理来航后民族危机意识高涨的形势下,于培理离去一个月时撰写了《海防意见书》并得到幕府的赏识。《海防意见书》中阐述的海防国家思想具有以下几个特点：其一,贴近现实,解决问题的可能性高;其二,主张开国,提倡贸易立国,期待实现富国强兵;其三,体现了胜海舟对国际关系中力量变化的体得与认知,可以认为是对冲突理论的诠释。     

论张学良与“西北国防政府”计划

张学良自成局面的设想和中共先行建立地区性国防政府的策略 ,是促成“西北国防政府”计划产生之两大要素。但在该计划的实施步骤及是否反蒋、如何打通苏联等问题上 ,张与中共间存在着某些潜在分歧 ,加之中共的政策由反蒋抗日急剧转向逼蒋抗日 ,打通苏联亦未能成功 ,从而导致该计划终归流产     

Creating New Schools for Bradford’s ‘Factory Children’: Obstacles and Outcomes, 1836–1850

Industrialization brought extensive factory development to northern English counties during the early nineteenth century, with new cotton, wool and worsted mills that employed many child workers. By 1840, some 1800 children, aged less than thirteen, worked in mills across the widespread Bradford parish – mostly in the central townships and predominantly in the worsted trade. Under the 1833 Factory Act, these factory children were restricted to forty-eight hours work per week and were required to attend school two hours each day. Available school provision was often poor and ill-adapted to mill-working hours. After delays, diversions and sustained lobbying, new Bradford schools – under the auspices of the ‘National Schools Society’ but specially targeted on factory children – started to come into being, soon reaching an attendance of some 1000 children. One of these schools – in a new, hastily constructed, building – gained recognition as a ‘model factory school’. Despite the perceived deficiencies of the 1833 Act, despite opposition and despite recurrent difficulties over finance, the 1833 legislation gave ‘leverage’ that, in Bradford, generated a new pattern of schooling.     

“Comrade Mzala”: Memory Construction and Legacy Preservation

Adopting the broad inter-disciplinary concept of “memory” and its construction in a public sphere, I examine some of the ways in which memories of Jabulani Nobleman Nxumalo, known as “Comrade Mzala” in liberation struggle circles, have been constructed and kept alive since his passing. A leading activist of the ANC, MK and the SACP, Mzala succumbed to an illness in a London hospital on February 22, 1991. A number of commemorative events and other activities, including grass-roots and branch-level initiatives, media releases, memorial lectures, colloquia and speeches and tributary statements, are analysed. Their tone, emotion, style and implicit objectives are explored. Notwithstanding the ubiquitous recognition of Mzala's liberation struggle credentials and intellectual prowess, there is no homogeneity in the manner he is remembered and celebrated; nor is there agreement in the reading of Mzala in a post-apartheid South Africa and its associated political and socio- economic context. Moreover, whilst it is predominantly organisations and individuals within the Tripartite Alliance who have been the main proponents of remembering, honouring and memorialising Mzala, there are others, outside of the Alliance and even antagonistic, who find inspiration in his radical world outlook, work and persona; and often use their memory of Mzala to critique the current political and economic conjuncture.     

Show solidarity,live solitarily: the Nazi ‘New Europe’ as a ‘family of peoples’

Abstract

This chapter first investigates how the German Nazis used the term ‘European solidarity’ and demonstrates that the term meant political loyalty between European ‘peoples’ (Völker) in National Socialist discourses. Second, assuming that the Nazis’ objective in showing solidarity with or demanding loyalty from other nations was to increase strength in what they believed to be a conflict with ‘international Jewry’, it examines the logic of the Nazis behind including other European countries into their own camp in that conflict. It will be argued that the Nazis developed a sense of belonging with non-German Europeans based on three ideas: (1) the racist myth that all Europeans belonged to the ‘Aryan race’; (2) a Europe-wide consensus of the extreme Right on anti-Communism, antisemitism, and anti-democratic and ultra-nationalist worldviews; and (3) the existence of cross-border relations within Europe which led to shared experiences. The article draws on primary sources as well as on secondary literature about National Socialist concepts of Europe and about transnational academic, cultural and social relations in the National Socialist sphere of influence.