包容性发展棱锥模型:后现代视阈下旅游房地产发展新维度

旅游地产是旅游开发的主要组成部分,它缎带"行"到旅游目的地的游客提供"吃、住、娱、购"以及可意象的"游"赏空间。作为闲暇经济主体的旅游地产发展正面临产业转型与资源约束的双重压力。从后现代旅游地产开发理念的视角,结合永续发展和包容性发展概念,构建出包容性发展棱锥模型及其应遵循的底一图关系等6点原则,以弥补现代旅游地产开发在产业发展模式和空间资源利用规划与设计等的不足。中国后现代旅游地产发展新维度:严格"三区四线"的空间管制:应用HST-TOD一体化立体综合开发模式;倡导JHTSD极大化及优化房地产市场法制环境。     

Vattel's law of nations and just war theory

It has often been said that Vattel's treatise on the law of nations breaks with the tradition of modern natural law and just war theory. Based on a closer examination of Vattel's justification of preventive war and of his assessment of the balance of power in Europe, the paper argues that this criticism is greatly exaggerated, if not entirely misleading.     

东北亚地区矿产资源及其生产要素区位平衡的分析

作为亚太地区组成部分的东北亚地区,主要包括中国东北、俄罗斯远东地区、朝鲜、韩国、日本和蒙古。这六个国家(地区)相互毗邻,联系密切,而且交通方便,运输距离短。     

Vattel's theory of the international order: Commerce and the balance of power in the Law of Nations

Vattel's Law of Nations (1758) claimed that a system of independent states could maintain the liberty of each without undermining the ideal of an international society. The chief institution serving this purpose was the balance of power. In Vattel's account, the balance of power could be stabilized if it operated primarily through a process of commercial preferences and restrictions. These limits on how states ought to defend themselves were grounded in Vattel's thoroughly forgotten writings on the mid-eighteenth-century luxury debates, which addressed the political economy of reforming the state and pacifying the international order. An examination of Vattel's Law of Nations in this context shows that his approach to the law of nations should not be dismissed as a capitulation to the harsh reality of international politics.     

宁波航空港的区位优势及其可持续发展战略研究

文章在分析宁波航空港现状规模的基础上,首先对宁波空港的区位特征进行研究,然后论证了宁波空港经济腹地经济特征及经济地域结构,最后采用包括灰色系统理论在内的几种方式对其发展规模进行预测,并提出空港可持续发展的几点建议。     

The persistence of partition: Boundary-making,imperialism, and international law

This article implores political geographers to engage with the sub-discipline's imperial roots in which international law was foundational. It does so by revisiting the practice of partition – defined here as an imposed boundary – which remains central to historical and current-day imperialism. This is the case, both regarding longstanding partitions, such as Northern Ireland, Kashmir, the Chagos Islands/British Indian Ocean Territory, Cyprus, Korea, and Western Sahara, and with regard to proposals to impose new partitions in Kosovo, Iraq, Syria, Ukraine, Palestine, and in the South China Sea. By adopting an historical perspective on the geopolitics of bordering, partition can be understood as an imposed boundary, in which the negotiators, to the extent they were consulted, were not presented with a free choice. Partitions in colonial situations only became illegal during the height of decolonization and the Cold War confrontation with the West, when the Soviet Union and Third World succeeded in modifying international law in a way that required the colonial powers to obtain the consent of the representatives of the communities whose territories they proposed to partition. As the world enters a more uncertain period, with increasing geopolitical competition, partition could make a comeback, in various guises, in which it may become necessary to pass judgment on the legality of partition, and not just its efficacy.     

日俄战争期间美国的东北亚政策

本文认为,美国在日俄战争期间的东北亚政策仍然是坚持“门户开放”,但是在实现目标的手段上有了微妙的变化:着重在东北亚推动和构建“均势”格局——挺日、拒俄,建立均势,而不再是前一时期的“追随”欧洲列强,嗣机插足的政策。     

世界经济地域结构中的珲春——图们江地区开发

地理上的接近性与经济上的互补性是区际、国际经济合作的基本动力。本文分析了世界经济地域结构及其变动趋势,论述了珲春-图们江地区开发的优劣势和内外部条件。在此基础上,提出了该区开发的三重模式。     

从"开门通商"到"厚集洋债,以均势力"—徐世昌与东北外交策略的变化

在东北实行均势外交 ,打破日俄垄断地位 ,是清政府的基本方针。东三省改制前后 ,均势外交策略经历了由全面引进外资的“开门通商”之策 ,到将精力全部集中到以铁路外债为核心的“厚集洋债 ,以均势力”的转变。徐世昌作为东三省首任总督 ,在这种转变中 ,很无奈地担任了执行者和过渡者的角色。     

John Campbell’s Present State of Europe (1750): Toryism and balance of power

John Campbell’s Present State of Europe has been viewed, particularly by Guido Abbattista, as a change in Campbell’s view on British intervention on the continent. Campbell certainly alters his position from a conventional ‘Country’ and ‘Tory’ critique of British interventionism to acceptance, but this shift aligns him more closely with the Bolingbrokean political philosophy that undergirds much of his early thought as he accommodates this political philosophy to the dominant theory of foreign policy of his day, ‘balance of power’. Campbell articulates a moderate, Tory view of balance of power by drawing upon Samuel Pufendorf’s idea of states-system, which allows Campbell to extend his ‘Country’-Bolingbrokean philosophy from inside to outside the state. By extending his views outside the state, Campbell indicates how continental intervention not only may be required based upon a nation’s fluctuating, indeterminate circumstances but also may be needed to protect far-flung subjects within an expanding British Empire.