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This essay assesses the impact of imperial culture, particularly constructions of India and hinduism, on British responses to the Indian nationalist movement in the 1930s. The essay draws on personal and governmental papers, paying special attention to the language and vocabulary employed by British policy makers concerned with Indian affairs. The major issue addressed here is the British presumption that the 1935 Government of India Act, a plan for a federated India with British central control, would defuse nationalist agitation. Such a sanguine view of this proposal seemed misplaced, given the popular success of the nationalists, especially Gandhi, and given the explicit demands of Indians for full self‐government. However, such an optimistic assessment drew on presumptions about Indian political and social behaviour, and especially on conceptions of hinduism. Policy makers in Britain and India argued along well‐established lines, that hinduism inculcated moral and physical weakness, among other deficiencies, and that a British offer of compromise would attract many Indians who feared continuing confrontation with the Raj. Moreover, colonial advisors relied on a belief that social and caste divisions within hinduism would recur within the nationalist ranks as well. This sense that Indians would respond to half‐measures of reform persisted until the 1937 provincial elections. Though British administrators predicted only a moderate showing by the Indian National Congress, the polling proved otherwise, as Congress took power in the majority of the provinces. The Raj lasted another decade, but the confident cultural assumptions sustaining it took a fatal blow.  相似文献   
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Cinco de Mayo, celebrated by Mexican Americans as well as Americans of other ethnicities, provides an opportunity to examine the influence of ethnic festivals on broader US identity. Given the recent controversy over the immigration bill, State Bill 1070, passed in Arizona in 2010, the themes presented in newspaper articles concerning the celebration of the holiday in Phoenix, Arizona (2006–11) and the public response to these articles are examined. This examination reveals the intense contestation associated with the presentation of symbols and themes of national identity during periods of political controversy. It also illustrates that ordinary people have strong, long‐standing opinions about the future of the nation and national identity and will express their opinions when an outlet is provided to them  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

In several issues of the London Medical Gazette during June–July of 1837 there was an interchange of letters between Robert Graves, Regius Professor of the Institutes of Medicine at Trinity College, Dublin, and the London physician and experimental physiologist Marshall Hall, often considered the discoverer of the phenomenon of reflex activity. Graves asserted that he, rather than Hall, was the originator of the idea of reflex action as a disease mechanism. Hall rejected that assertion and, after exchange of some verbal “pleasantries,” began a tirade about a somewhat different, although not unrelated issue into which the journal editor interjected some not exactly dispassionate comments. Graves soon let the matter of priority lapse, and Hall continued his war with the Council of the Royal Society, but examination of the contemporary and earlier literature suggests that Graves probably was correct, by a narrow time margin, in relation of his claim for priority in using the concept of reflex action in explaining neurological disease mechanisms (not a claim for discovering reflex action), that Hall had used the phrase “reflex action” earlier than Graves, and that others before Hall had gone a long way in studying reflex mechanisms, although Hall’s writings had familiarized the medical profession with the concept.  相似文献   
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