Thinking Past Henri Lefebvre: Introducing “The Theory of Ground Rent and Rural Sociology”

This introduction to the translation of Henri Lefebvre's 1956 essay “The theory of ground rent and rural Sociology” moves through three stages. First, it suggests that Anglophone appropriations of Lefebvre have tended to focus too much on his urban writings, at the expense of understanding his early work on rural sociology, and failing to recognise how his urban focus emerged as a result of his interest in rural–urban transformation. Second, it provides a summary of his wider work on rural questions, including his unfinished work on a major treatise of rural sociology; and outlines the key themes of the present essay in relation to these other projects. Third, it connects Lefebvre's issues to wider debates in political economy and geography about aspects of the rural, land and ground rent, not least including the work of Antonio Gramsci and José Carlos Mariátegui.     

Secularism Meets Coloniality: Mariategui's Andean Political Theology

This article seeks to clarify the link between Mariategui's political theology and his critique of modern-secular-coloniality. I argue that understanding the place and the significance of Mariategui's critique of secularism/colonialism helps us grasp the fuller extent of Mariategui's thought, a pioneering critic of modernity in the early twentieth century who keenly understood the limits of modern-liberal framework for analyzing the political problems of Latin America. Mariategui's reading of Marx and revolution raises important challenges to various forms of twenty-first-century political theologies that tackle modernity from within Western liberal modernity (postmodern theories and philosophies). Mariategui offers important insights not only for critics of the secular and modernity who fail to attest to the important question of coloniality from which secularism/modernity must be disentangled, but also for critics of colonialism/coloniality who fail to view religion as the key fabric of coloniality.     

How the mosquito (man) liberated Cuba

Disease is a more efficient killer of armies than man, but military historians tend not to dwell on this fact, for fear of relegating human volition to a secondary role in the outcome of wars. Thus, studies of the Cuban War of Independence from 1895 to 1898 tell of thrilling machete charges and awe-inspiring battleships, but pay insufficient attention to the insects and microbes that really killed the Spanish army and prepared the ground for the liberation of Cuba. This essay argues that the mosquito and yellow fever did most of the work of freeing Cuba from Spanish military occupation. It also tells how the theory of a Cuban physician, Carlos Finlay, helped to liberate the island from yellow fever following the American occupation in 1898. In this way the essay unites two sundered histories that belong together, and then goes on to explain why the medical community ignored Finlay for almost 20 years, just time enough to allow Cubans to found a new nation.     

The anxious host: Czechoslovakia and Carlos the Jackal 1978–1986

The nature of engagement by communist states with international terrorism remains contested. Furthermore, it represents one of the most enigmatic aspects of the Cold War. This article challenges the notion that the Soviet Bloc provided uniform active support to late Cold War terrorists and suggests new categories of host. To demonstrate the complexities and paradoxes of state-terrorist relations we examine Communist Czechoslovakia's relations with Carlos the Jackal – the most notorious terrorist of the period. The historical consensus remains that Carlos was supported by the Eastern Bloc. However, as newly-released Eastern European secret service documents show, attitudes of Moscow's allies varied considerably. Czechoslovakia was, at best, a temporary and ‘anxious host’. The arrival of major terrorists in such ‘anxious’ states were in fact often unannounced, uninvited and undesired – yet the hosts fell short of arresting the terrorists either due to ideological affinity or fear of retribution. From his first visit to Prague, Carlos the Jackal was considered to be a threat and a reputational hazard by the Czechoslovak State Security (StB). Gradually, the StB adopted subtle measures aimed at deterring the return of Carlos and his Group. Finally, in the mid-1980s, they artfully ejected the Jackal and his accomplices from its territory, but without risking formal expulsion.     

Carlos Enriques Clerque as crypto-Jewish confidence man in Francisco de Seyxas y Lovera's Piratas y contrabandistas (1693)

This article considers the story of Carlos Enriques Clerque, the enigmatic instigator of the 1669–1671 John Narborough expedition to Chile, as presented in Francisco de Seyxas y Lovera's Piratas y contrabandistas, a history of piracy from 1693, first published in 2011. Locating Seyxas's account in the context of related print and archival sources, this study demonstrates how the author develops a new and singularly complete picture of Enriques Clerque's South American adventure. At the same time, this article examines how Seyxas's version of the Enriques Clerque story exemplifies a uniquely Spanish vision of piracy specific to the final years of the seventeenth century. Setting aside the violent predators featured in Northern European texts on piracy from the period, Seyxas focuses on a category of sophisticated confidence men who deploy linguistic ability and cultural knowledge to undermine Spain's commercial system overseas.     

Comic Incongruity in Medieval French Enfances

This article compares the use of nudity in the Carolingian romances Enrique Fi de Oliva and Carlos Maynes, which are both structured around the tale of a falsely accused woman. In Carlos Maynes, the protagonist Empress Sevilla is disrobed several times in her adventures and, at the end, strips of her own accord, along with her son Loui and their supporters, to reconcile with her husband Carlos Maynes. Enrique Fi de Oliva contains more scenes of nudity than Carlos Maynes does. In it, Pepino is reconciled with his sister Oliva, her son Enrique, and their supporters after they have disrobed multiple times. Both romances are about old, ineffective rulers who have perverse advisers. Only the innocence of the heroes and heroines, expressed through their nudity, can overcome the power of the aging leaders' evil allies. If, at the symbolic level, these scenes are about the political rebirth of the monarchy through generational change and new alliances, at the visual level they are quite risqué and often comic episodes that must have had great popular appeal. It is not surprising that Enrique Fi de Oliva, the more explicit of the two works in terms of nudity and humor, was praised by Miguel de Cervantes who, in Don Quixote de la Mancha, expressed admiration for the "exactness" with which it describes everything.     

The Sandinista revolution and the limits of the Cold War in Latin America: the dilemma of non-intervention during the Nicaraguan crisis, 1977–78

This paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution.     

Juan Moreira: Romantic Outlaw,Liberal Hero

Since its appearance in 1879–1880, Juan Moreira has been read as an illiberal novel, casting its eponymous hero (the historical bodyguard and electoral henchman of the same name) as a metaphor for the plight of variously-defined subalterns in liberal and neoliberal Argentina, and a condemnation of the social order they brought about. Contrary to that assumption, and reading the novel in its original context (the newspaper La Patria Argentina, in the months leading up to the Buenos Aires rebellion that would settle the fate of Buenos Aires, and end the cycle of civil wars in Argentina), the article argues that Moreira should be read as an strictly liberal novel, inventing a version of the gaucho not as a premodern barbarian (i.e. Sarmiento’s version) but as the embodiment of a modern liberal notion of subject (and citizen, even citizen-in-arms), produced by a functional market economy and a modernizing state, whose descent into criminality is a consequence and a cautionary tale not of the evils of the liberal order, but of what for Gutiérrez was the illiberal (at the same time conservative and barbaric) embodied in his political opponents presidents Nicolás Avellaneda and Julio Argentino Roca.