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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):694-715
A noted Israeli geographer presents and analyzes five different geopolitical approaches to the possible resolution of the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian territorial conflict. Focusing on the map and its disputed boundaries, the author identifies the alternatives as (a) agreed-upon borders associated with a two-state solution, (b) Israel's defensible borders advocated since 1967, (c) interim borders involving a unilateral withdrawal in the absence of a political agreement, (d) blurred borders associated with a bi-national state, and (e) borders involving annexation of the West Bank. The paper examines the likely impact of critical forces (Israeli leadership, the Palestinian Authority, Hamas, moderate Arab states, Iran and Syria, U. S. and the Quartet, as well as public opinion) to conclude that blurred borders of an unpopular bi-national state may have the greatest chance to be realized in the short term. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(6):716-732
A Palestinian geographer and urban planner discusses one of the territorial challenges that will likely emerge in the process of building a future Palestinian state. More specifically, he outlines how looming population pressures (high density in tandem with rapid natural increase and return of displaced refugees) will require that investments to support economic growth and new construction be organized within a national settlement system based on the existing urban hierarchy. In addition to describing the elements of such a system ("developed urban axis of Palestine"), the paper also covers the effects of public opinion and shifting political alignments within the territories on shaping the conceptualization of a future Palestinian state. 相似文献
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Eran Zohar 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2015,69(4):438-461
Rebellious non-state actors of the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula have been arming themselves through smuggling networks operating in north-east Africa and the Middle East. They feature complex, dynamic, open systems which include many components of various organisational and national identities, and which are driven by various motives, united in order to accomplish the goal of arms smuggling. Previously, this system was dominated by the supply of Iranian large and high-quality weapon systems, mainly rockets, to the Palestinian Hamas, enabling them to build up military force that has sustained long-standing conflict against the stronger Israel. The Arab turmoil initiated dramatic changes in the arming system: Iran stopped, at least temporarily, the channelling of weapons to the Hamas due to its support of the Syrian opposition against the Assad regime. Egypt blocked many of Hamas's smuggling tunnels, intensifying Hamas's strategic isolation. Following the removal of Gaddafi and lack of government, Libya became a major arms source, serving mainly regional radical Islamic groups. Salafist jihadist groups in Sinai revolted against the Egyptian government, using huge local stockpiles of weapons and operational cooperation with Palestinian Islamists. This article argues that to survive, rebellious non-state actors must exploit arming opportunities in the physical, social and political environment, whereas securing shared borders is vital for defeating rebellious non-state actors. The arming of non-state actors should be analysed broadly, considering the needs of the civilian population among whom the militants are operating. 相似文献
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Michael Vicente Pèrez 《Nations & Nationalism》2014,20(4):801-820
This article examines Palestinian refugee articulations of the Palestinian homeland and struggle in relation to religion and nationalism. My contention is that the impact of Hamas's electoral victory in Palestine is visible within the discourse of Palestinians in Jordan. This discourse suggests a transformation of the meaning of Palestinian nationalism in which religion is taking an important albeit complex role in nationalism. Using the concept of intertwining, this article considers how Islam has been intertwined with Palestinian nationalism in ways that have privileged particular ideas about the national homeland and fight for liberation. While many suggest that Islamist politics is incompatible with nationalism, this article takes the local discourse of refugees and argues that Hamas and its supporters have yet to abandon the framework of nationalism, although certain tensions exist. 相似文献
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