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1.
The parliamentary organisation of the whig Junto in the reign of Queen Anne was far superior to that of the tory party. At the centre were the meetings in which three or four of the five members of the Junto were present together with some of their followers. Evidence of such meetings is rare but here is presented a letter giving the details of a meeting of all five in April 1713 at the home of Lord Somers, together with their ally, the tory earl of Nottingham, probably to discuss the forthcoming peace proposals, to end the war of the Spanish Succession, and the protestant succession to the British throne.  相似文献   
2.
The paper reports a case study of factors attracting and retaining talented and creative workers in Halifax, Nova Scotia. All categories of workers interviewed mentioned quality of place and amenities in discussing their location preferences, but that could not fully explain their choices. For some occupations (like health research), talented people followed jobs; in other sectors (like music), talented workers migrated to a sympathetic locale with the right conditions for creative engagement; creative workers in some occupations (like those in architectural, engineering or planning consulting) were more rooted in place. The social dynamics—that is, positive and collaborative social networks within key sectors and a wider community perceived as welcoming and interesting—make this mid‐sized city attractive to talented workers. Local universities and a vibrant music scene generate a mutually reinforcing context that attracted mobile talented and creative workers to the city. Respondents noted Halifax's limited cultural diversity but did not report a perceived lack of tolerance as affecting their choices. In smaller cities, the social dynamics of place and workplace and the quality of life available may play more significant roles than tolerance in attracting and retaining talented workers, challenging a basic assumption of creative cities discourse.  相似文献   
3.
Un conte de deux scènes: le capital civique et le maintien des talents musicaux à Toronto et à Halifax Même si depuis plusieurs décennies Toronto trône au sommet de l’industrie canadienne de la musique, des entretiens récents font apparaître le poids de la restructuration de cette industrie sur les décisions des musiciens quant à l’endroit où vivre et travailler. En cette époque de production indépendante de musique contemporaine, certaines régions urbaines de taille réduite comme Halifax en Nouvelle‐Écosse recèlent un potentiel pour attirer des musiciens. La principale question abordée dans cet article est de savoir dans quelle mesure les dynamiques économique et sociale des régions urbaines ont une incidence sur les choix de localisation des musiciens. Ces derniers sont bien conscients des possibilités économiques qu’une ville de la taille de Toronto peut leur offrir, mais les artisans de la scène musicale la dépeignent comme un milieu de travail extrêmement compétitif et ardu. En revanche, du côté d’Halifax, les répondants évoquent la solidarité et le soutien apportés par la collectivité dans l’accueil des nouveaux arrivants, l’appui à l’organisation de spectacles, et la promotion de la créativité. Dans un tel contexte contemporain, les musiciens indépendants déploient de nouvelles stratégies de valorisation de leur métier et les collectivités qui sont dotées d’un capital civique supérieur sont plus en mesure d’attirer et de retenir les personnes talentueuses.  相似文献   
4.
This article argues that George Savile's thought casts light on international relations in the seventeenth century. Halifax's life and works concern not only England's domestic politics, but also its foreign affairs. Indeed, he develops a clear vision of international politics. This article analyses Halifax's international thought, in particular three concepts that are closely related to one another: ‘interest’, ‘reason of state’, and ‘balance of power’. Through the study of these ideas, this article will try to point out both the novelty of Halifax's thought compared with that of his contemporaries, and to reverse the stereotypical understanding of his intellectual legacy and political behaviour. The ‘trimmer’ contrasts with Louis XIV's attempt to establish a universal monarchy across Europe, outlining a doctrine of moderation that seeks to ensure liberty, security, and restraint in international relations.  相似文献   
5.
Popular accounts of the Halifax Explosion of 1917 have placed it in a resolutely nationalist context. But starting from the international ownerships and destinations of the ships that sparked it, the explosion was a transnational event. This article explores how people, money, and ideas crossed and recrossed the border. First, in-kind and monetary relief flowed quickly from the United States, Britain, and Newfoundland. Second, Halifax became a destination for a growing international community of experts in disaster response, as relief experts from New York, Boston, Winnipeg, and elsewhere in North America converged on the city. Finally, survivors used their transnational community of friends and relatives to build political power over the relief process. Migrants living in “the Boston States” created a transnational polity that pressured relief authorities to give more money to their kin still in Halifax. These transnational communities—of international experts and migrant families—helped create a Canada–US relationship from the bottom.  相似文献   
6.
Clubs, coffee houses, and taverns, the most widely studied sites of political gathering in later Stuart London, largely excluded women. This essay argues that places of ‘intermixed conversation’ which existed alongside them should also be taken into account, and considers several examples of regular, semi-private assemblies, chiefly hosted by elite women (including duchesse de Mazarin, Lady Pulteney, and Barbara Villiers, Lady Fitzhardinge) and frequented by both sexes for the overt purpose of card playing, which were also significant places of political association at this period.  相似文献   
7.
8.
This article outlines the preliminary results of archaeological fieldwork at the crash site of RAF Halifax bomber LV881-ZA-V and explores some of the challenges presented by the excavation of this military wartime crash site. The aircraft and her crew were shot down by a German night fighter in the early hours of 31 March 1944 during the infamous Nuremberg Raid. Four of her crew were killed and the remaining three were taken prisoner and later took part in the ‘Long March’. All three survived the war. An international team comprised of staff and students from Germany, the Netherlands, Finland and the UK explored what remained of the crash site, located on a hill outside the village of Steinheim, north east of Frankfurt in the German Federal State of Hesse.  相似文献   
9.
The post 1960 locational sequence of peri‐urban residential development in the Halifax city region is interpreted in terms of three sets of factors: magnets or attractors, constraints or inhibitors, and planning policies designed to direct or control development. Most peripheral housing has been suburban (i.e., on small, centrally‐serviced lots) rather than exurban (on large lots, serviced on‐site). Suburban development patterns have been strongly shaped by the 1963 Halifax Housing Survey and the 1975 Regional Development Plan, both of which promoted planned satellite communities on government land assemblies, in areas of cheap land and low development costs. After 1980 effective regional planning was phased out, which encouraged excessive large‐lot development in country districts beyond the service boundary. Magnets for country residential development operate at a variety of scales, and include highway access, elementary schools, localized site conditions, and appropriate zoning. The major regional constraint is road‐distance from the urban core, but socio‐cultural and cadastral constraints are locally important. The paper concludes with a survey of policy options to promote efficient patterns of suburban development and to curb exurban sprawl. Many of these options were recommended in earlier plans, but have lacked fiscal and political support in the last two decades. They must now be re‐assessed in a new regional plan. La séquence géographique post‐1960 du développement résidentiel péri‐urbain dans la région de Halifax est interprétée par l'entremise de trois ensembles des facteurs: les aimants ou les attracteurs, les contraintes ou les inhibiteurs, et les politiques de planification conçues pour diriger ou contrôler le développement. La plupart des logements périphériques ont été sub‐urbains (c'est‐à‐dire sur des petits lots dotés de services centraux) plutôt qu'exurbains (sur des grands lots, dotés sur place). Des configurations suburbaines de développement ont été fortement conditionnées par le Halifax Housing Survey (1963) et par le plan de développement régional (1975), tous deux ayant promu des communautés satellites prévues sur les terres de gouvernement, dans les zones de terrain bon marché avec des coûts de développement relativement bas. Après 1980, la planification régionale a étééliminée, ce qui a encouragé le développement excessif de lots de grandes dimensions dans des zones au‐delà de la limite des services. Les aimants pour le développement résidentiel exurbain fonctionnent à diverses échelles. Ils incluent notamment l'accès routier, les écoles primaires, l'état des sites locaux, et la répartition appropriée en zones. La contrainte régionale principale est la distance routière par rapport au noyau urbain, mais les contraintes socio‐culturelles et cadastrales sont localement importantes. En conclusion, l'article fournit un résumé des options politiques favorisant les configurations efficaces du développement suburbain et limitant le développement des grands lots exurbains. Plusieurs de ces options ont déjà fait l'objet de recommandations dans le cadre de plans passés, mais ont manqué de support fiscal et politique au cours des deux dernières décennies. Elles doivent maintenant être réévaluées dans un nouveau plan régional.  相似文献   
10.
In the early years of the twentieth century, city administrators in Halifax, Nova Scotia articulated a new, modern identity for the former imperial garrison town by identifying the local red light district as both a moral and a spatial problem. Between the twilight of Victoria’s reign and Britain’s entry into the First World War, middle-class toleration of a local sex district as a means of managing the city’s populations of imperial servicemen virtually evaporated. Haligonians were inspired instead by North American urban modernisation initiatives to eradicate this visible and physical space for the world’s oldest profession. This paper examines shifting responses to the imperial sexual and political ideologies underpinning collective toleration of Halifax’s racially mixed sex district, offers a case study of this crucial moment of civic refashioning.  相似文献   
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