Papa et pecunia: Innocent III’s combination of reform and fiscal policy to finance crusades

This article examines the fiscal policies of Pope Innocent III throughout his pontificate, culminating in the canons of the Fourth Lateran Council. The aim of this analysis is to illustrate that not only was Innocent more fiscally minded than his predecessors, but that he also attempted to utilize fiscal policy as a tool for facilitating the crusade movement. Innocent adapted the fiscal tools of his predecessors while inventing several of his own. These tools included streamlined census-taking, income taxation, crusader vow redemptions/commutations, expanding crusade indulgences, the collection of alms, trade embargoes, clerical reform and more. These tools were designed to aid crusade endeavours, either directly or indirectly, and through crusading achieve the salvation of Christian souls.     

The politics of violence and trade: Denia and Pisa in the eleventh century

In the eleventh century, as ports and cities expanded their involvement in the Mediterranean, they came into contact and conflict with one another; both were integral parts of the Mediterranean renewal after the relative decline of the early Middle Ages. Of these cities, relations between Pisa and Denia were perhaps the most exemplary of the extremes possible within the new Mediterranean. On the surface, theirs would seem to be merely a series of clashes based on religious friction, jihād, or territorial ambitions, as shown by their conflict over Sardinia. However, when viewed together with diplomatic and commercial relations, it becomes apparent that violence was only a part of the Mediterranean dynamic, and that where conflict did exist it was along new lines. Economic ambitions were becoming the motivating factor, and trade routes and commerce were the new stakes in the medieval Mediterranean.     

新四军争取帮会抗日的方针与实践

帮会工作一直是新民主主义革命时期中共面临的实际问题和政策策略问题.在敌强我弱的态势下,为了最大限度地孤立和分化敌人,必须团结一切可以团结的力量.抗战时期华中地区帮会林立,它们既是新四军可以争取和团结的力量,同时又存在被日军收买充当汉奸,或为国民党顽固派利用充当反共急先锋的现实危险.因此,争取帮会大部分成员积极参加抗日,便成为华中新四军领导抗日民族统一战线的重要任务之一.在中共领导下,华中新四军不仅提出和制定了正确的争取、利用和改造帮会的政策和策略,而且还有效地实施了这一政策,使帮会中的大多数成员成为抗日民族统一战线的一员,从而为抗日的胜利作出了可贵的贡献.     

1939年秋-1940年夏国民党的南调命令及其影响——对皖南事变起源的新分析

抗战初期的南调命令是国民党在发展和维护它的华中敌后利益,尤其是大别山根据地利益的过程中提出来的.由于抗战的新形势,国民党对在失去大举"剿共"手段之后的策略选择和反共部署,其实并没有多少及时而深入的考虑,尤其因为共产国际五月指示以来共产党在华中采取攻势策略,国民党更显缺乏心理和策略准备,南调命令最终在国民党内外重重阻力下不了了之.但是,这并不意味着它在国共关系史上没有产生实际的影响.在皖南,国共都因为南调命令而发生了策略变化,两党由此不可避免地开始积累矛盾,直至事变发生.     

试析殷海光晚年的"五四"观--以《中国文化的展望》为中心

殷海光在晚年重新审视了五四运动的成就，对五四时期的自由、民主等理念进行了相应的理性反思，进而以超越五四的姿态，主张以“道德、自由、民主、科学”为中国化建设的基本路径，其有关缺失值得适当厘清。殷海光对五四问题的关注和解读不仅直接影响了学生林毓生、张灏等人，而且至今仍具有弥足珍视的现实意义，理当置于我们的思想资源中。     

Turning Latin into Greek: Anna Komnene and the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi

This article examines the relationship between one of the most famous Byzantine sources, the Alexiad of Anna Komnene, and the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi, written by William of Apulia at the end of the eleventh century. It shows that Anna not only had access to a substantial archive of material relating to the Normans of southern Italy, but also that the author drew extensively on William of Apulia's account of the attacks of Robert Guiscard on Epirus in 1081–5. Multiple borrowings are identified, including a crucial case of mistranslation from the Latin into Greek, demonstrating that the Gesta lay at the heart of the Alexiad's coverage of the Normans. It argues that Anna Komnene makes carefully judged variations from the southern Italian text, before suggesting that the latter was composed shortly before the Council of Bari (1098). It concludes with a suggestion that the contribution of William of Apulia is surreptitiously acknowledged by the Byzantine author.     

From Academic Nitpicking to a =New Culture Movement＇： How Newspapers Turned Academic Debates into the Center of ~May Fourth＂

Abstract In early 1919, people like Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu were regarded as members of an ivory-tower ＂academic faction＂ （xuepai）, embroiled in a debate with an opposing ＂faction.＂ After the May Fourth demonstrations, they were praised as the stars of a ＂New Culture Movement.＂ However, it was not obvious how the circle around Hu Shi and Chert Duxiu was associated with the May Fourth demonstrations. This link hinged on the way in which newspapers like Shenbao reported about the academic debates and the political events of May Fourth. After compartmentalizing the debating academics into fixed xuepai, Shenbao ascribed warlord-political allegiances to them. These made the Hu-Chen circle look like government victims and their ＂factional＂ rivals like the warlords＇ allies. When the atmosphere became hostile to the government during May Fourth, Hu Shi＇s ＂faction＂ became associated with the equally victimized May Fourth demonstrators. Their ideas were regarded as （now popular） expressions of anti-government sentiment, and soon this was labeled the core of the ＂New Culture Movement.＂ The idea and rhetoric of China＇s ＂New Culture Movement＂ in this way emerged out of the fortuitous concatenation of academic debates, newspaper stories, and political events.     

塑造新思想:建国前后北京与上海的“五四”纪念活动

建国前后,北京和上海都举行了规模盛大的"五四"运动纪念活动,这两次活动都不仅仅是群众性的纪念仪式,更深刻的意义在于,它一方面号召继承"五四"革命精神,表达对现实服务的方向;另一方面则书写着自"五四"运动以来中国革命胜利的历史必然性,从而确证新民主主义理论的正确性以及对中国革命和即将展开的新中国建设的指导意义,即为新中国确立了一个新的思想坐标——马克思主义、毛泽东思想。这种以"五四"为中介而实质上是为了引导和塑造新思想的纪念活动方式,成为后来"五四"纪念的传统,为社会主义意识形态确立领导地位发挥了积极的作用。     

论五四思想家对自杀现象的研究

自杀现象是五四转型时期一个重要的社会现象。从这些自杀现象中暴露出的种种社会弊端,比如社会的动荡、社会的黑暗、社会制度的缺陷、危险人生观的倡导等等,引起了五四思想家们的关注。他们对自杀现象作了多次讨论,分别从自杀的趋势和原因、自杀的道德和社会价值等方面进行了深入透彻的分析,并结合五四新文化运动的目标,提出了以提倡新的人生观和改造社会制度两种手段对自杀进行救济。同时,对自杀现象的研究使五四思想家深刻认识到新思潮中可能有危害人的思想的成分,绝对的怀疑主义和虚无主义使人们无所适从。他们明确提出反对这些偏向,对新文化运动的健康发展起了积极作用。     

《新四军军部在皖南》序言

本书把新四军军部在皖南三年的历史,从当时的大背景中去考察和研究,力求反映事物的本来面目,寓评论于客观历史的记述之中。军部在皖南,而新四军的活动不只是在皖南,军部指挥下的各个支队主要是在大江南北敌后地区作战,这是本书的记述范围。本书系统地记述了中国共产党如何坚持对新四军的绝对领导,新四军军部如何加强各方面的工作,不断提高全军的战斗力、促进全军的建设和发展,着重反映军部在皖南三年的特色和优势。强调指出,不能因为项英应对皖南事变有过错而抹煞他在新四军组建和发展中的贡献,更不能因为皖南事变的失败而淡化甚至抹煞新四军军部在皖南三年的伟大建树和光辉业绩。新四军的历史(军部在皖南是前期,军部在苏北是后期)是一个发展过程。没有前期的工作基础,也就不可能有后期的更加辉煌。