虞舜的王都与帝都

虞舜是我国历史上著名的“五帝”之一。他曾先后建都于蒲坂和平阳,这是两种不同性质的国都,蒲坂为有虞氏古国的王都,平阳则是华夏联盟的帝都。平阳城为尧所筑,虞舜继尧为华夏盟主后,由蒲坂而徙都平阳。考古发现的陶寺城址,规模巨大,布局合理,从其时代和地望来看,很可能就是尧、舜建都的平阳所在。     

蒋经国留学苏联述论

蒋经国在留学苏联期间,受到苏共和斯大林的重视,被吸收为苏共党员并送入高级军事院校深造,其命运随中国革命形势和中苏关系的变化而动荡起伏,他留苏12载,深入苏联政治和社会生活,历经肃托、农业集体化、肃反等各种运动,目睹苏联的种种弊端,对苏联从向往到怀疑,最终彻底背离。苏联通过蒋经国影响蒋介石,使中苏关系形成有利于苏联态势的期冀最终没有实现。     

鲁斯扶蒋原因探析

在现代中美关系史中,美国“新闻大王”鲁斯以“扶蒋反共”著称。从1936年起,在30余年的时间里,鲁斯通过其掌握的《时代》周刊、《生活》画报、《财富》杂志等媒体,将蒋介石描述为“坚强”、“民主”的中国领袖和领导中国走向美国式现代化的基督战士,力图通过操纵公众舆论,影响美国对华政策。鲁斯扶助蒋介石,与其所处的时代和出生于中国的身世背景密切相关。从表面上看,其目的是为中国寻求现代化发展之路,实现美国化中国的梦想;而在更深的层面上,则是为实现“美国世纪”构想而采取的重要步骤,表现出强烈的“美国至上”的倾向。     

评蒋介石研究

蒋介石是民国政治舞台上的一个关键人物,是中国国民党历史上的中心人物。中国大陆对蒋介石的研究缘起于20世纪60年代,自80年代以来,拓宽了研究领域,在多方面取得了令人欣慰的成果。同时,由于多种原因,在蒋介石研究领域里也出现了一些偏差与不足。     

Democracy and national destinies on Taiwan

In the case of Taiwan, experts have debated whether passionate national loyalties (Taiwanese or Chinese) facilitated or stymied democratization. This paper argues that nationalism facilitated political change in Taiwan. In fact, democratization during the 1980s and the 1990s was spurred in part by the pursuit of two conflicting national destinies. The Chinese Nationalist Party legitimized reform as the end of a century‐long process for the reconstruction of the Chinese nation. To many Nationalists, particularly those born on the mainland, Taiwan was the fulfilment of Sun Yat‐sen's vision of China known as the Three Principles of the People. At the same time, many opponents of the regime saw successful reform as one step towards the realization of a Taiwanese nation. Dominated by those who identified themselves as Taiwanese, generally those of Chinese descent whose ancestors had lived on Taiwan prior to 1945, these activists hoped to take power through the ballot box, then implement a series of policies to strengthen an island‐wide identity.     

中美关系史上一件"谜案"的历史考察 --"罗斯福下令史迪威除掉蒋介石之说"辨析

近年来,开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威清除蒋介石的说法出现于国内许多论著中.本文从罗斯福对华政策、开罗会议期间罗斯福与蒋介石关系、美在华中国通对蒋介石的态度等方面对这一说法进行了辨析,指出开罗会议期间罗斯福指令史迪威干掉蒋介石的说法纯属子虚乌有.     

澄清九一八事变时不抵抗方针研究的误区

长期以来大陆通行一种说法 :九一八事变时 ,东北军对日本关东军的进攻未予抵抗 ,是张学良“忍痛执行”蒋介石的不抵抗主义命令 ,使他蒙上“不抵抗将军”骂名 ,做了蒋的“替罪羔羊”。研究中存在一些误区 ,需要澄清。 1 .蒋介石、张学良之间并非简单的上下级关系 ,张学良具有相当的独立性 ,他与蒋的意见不同时 ,对蒋的命令可以不听 ,防守锦州问题即是如此。 2 .这一观点主要靠一些回忆录作依据 ,而许多回忆资料的说法存在种种漏洞。 3.事变前中国一方对日军挑衅采取“力避冲突”方针 ,对此蒋张二人具有共识。事变前蒋氏指示对日军挑衅采取“力避冲突”方针 ,对事变后张学良实行不抵抗政策不无影响 ,但事变前“力避冲突”与事变发生后“不抵抗”方针 ,二者有明显区别。 4 .事变发生后 ,张学良和荣臻等人的电文均证明 ,是张学良对东北军下了不抵抗命令。 5 .九一八事变发生后 ,蒋介石和国民政府处置事变的方针 ,并非可以简单地归结为不抵抗政策。国民政府对事变的处置是 ,诉诸国联 ,并准备抵抗。四个月后就发生了一·二八淞沪抗战 ,采取的是“一面抵抗 ,一面交涉”方针。 6 .张学良晚年一再说过 ,下不抵抗命令的 ,是他自己 ,而不是中央政府     

司徒雷登与战后中国的"新革命运动"

战后中国的"新革命运动"是由司徒雷登发起的,其目的是通过国民党政府内部的改革,把CC系的势力排除出去,让自由主义势力进入政府并掌握政权,以维持国民党政权的统治,对抗中国共产党领导的革命运动.由于"新革命运动"是建立在错误的基础之上,司徒雷登试图通过"新革命运动"挽救国民党统治的努力最终失败.     

板楯蛮(賨人)源流考略——廪君之后还是“百濮”先民?

笔者认为世居于川东北嘉陵江上游和渠江流域的土著居民,"巴渝舞"的创始者——板楯蛮(賨人)与来自鄂西南清江流域的廪君蛮(巴人先祖)并非同一族群。板楯蛮和廪君蛮虽统称为"巴人",但其"巴人"称谓是"巴地之人"、"巴国之人"的通称,而不是作为族称存在的。他们均出自"百濮"系统,只是起源地、分布地域、文化习俗、经济发展水平等方面有所区别,这一点也是经过方家充分论证的。本文拟从民族地理学、历史文献学、考古学和人类学等视角对板楯蛮的历史起源、分布地域及其与百濮、廪君的关系作一导向性梳理,以釐清学界长期存在的关于廪君蛮与板楯蛮同源、同宗的迷雾。     

Soviet–Japanese relations and the strategic interests of the Guomindang and the CCP – Chiang Kai‐shek's planning of sanctions against the CCP in 1943

When in 1943 the Guomindang launched its third wave of anti‐communist campaigns, Mao Zedong considered that Chiang Kai‐shek had acted in the belief that Japan would soon invade the Soviet Union. Hitherto, Chinese historians have either ignored Mao's judgment or failed to provide convincing explanations for it. There are two reasons for this attitude: first, historians have failed to appreciate the strategic implications of the relationship between the Soviet Union and Japan for relations between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); and second, relevant evidence regarding the events has not been available in document on Chiang. This essay answers questions raised by both points. Most commentators have claimed that this third anti‐Communist push ended by the middle or late July of 1943. However, Chiang in fact continued to make plans to mop up Shaanbei (the Communist‐controlled northern Shaanxi area) and impose sanctions on the Communists. The formulation, revision and eventual abandonment of Chiang's plans are also addressed in this essay.