Anatomy,behavior, and modern human origins

The fossil record suggests that modern human morphology evolved in Africa between 150,000 and 50,000 years ago, when the sole inhabitants of Eurasia were the Neanderthals and other equally nonmodern people. However, the earliest modern or near-modern Africans were behaviorally (archaeologically) indistinguishable from their nonmodern, Eurasian contemporaries, and it was only around 50,000-40,000 years ago that a major behavioral difference developed. Archaeological indications of this difference include the oldest indisputable ornaments (or art broadly understood); the oldest evidence for routine use of bone, ivory, and shell to produce formal (standardized) artifacts; greatly accelerated variation in stone artifact assemblages through time and space; and hunting-gathering innovations that promoted significantly larger populations. As a complex, the novel traits imply fully modern cognitive and communicative abilities, or more succinctly, the fully modern capacity for Culture. The competitive advantage of this capacity is obvious, and preliminary dates suggest that it appeared in Africa about 50,000 years ago and then successively in western Asia, eastern Europe, and western Europe, in keeping with an African origin. Arguably, the development of modern behavior depended on a neural change broadly like those that accompanied yet earlier archaeologically detectable behavioral advances. This explanation is problematic, however, because the putative change was in brain organization, not size, and fossil skulls provide little or no secure evidence for brain structure. Other potential objections to a neural advance in Africa 50,000-40,000 years ago or to the wider Out-of-Africa hypothesis, include archaeological evidence (1) that some Neanderthals were actually capable of fully modern behavior and (2) that some Africans were behaviorally modern more than 90,000 years ago.     

Forbidden Images: Rock Paintings and the Nyau Secret Society of Central Malaŵi and Eastern Zambia

This paper examines the rock art of the nyau secret society of eastern Zambia and central Malai. The art dates principally from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It has been known to researchers since the 1970s but has given up few of its secrets. I examine the questions of why the art was made and why the tradition ceased. Key to answering these is the realization that the art belonged to a specific historical and geographic context: the era and area where nyau was forced to become an underground movement because of its suppression by Ngoni invaders, missions, and the later colonial government. The art provides us with detailed insights into the way nyau has served in the process of overcoming and manipulating the traumatic social changes faced by Chea society in the last few centuries.Cet article examine l'art rupestre de la société secrète de nyau au est du Zambia et Malai centrale. L'art date principalement aux dix-neuvième et bas vingtième siècles. Recherchers ont su l'art depuis les années soixante-dix, mais ils ont appris peu de ses secrets. J'examine les questions de pourquoi l'art était fabriquer et pourquoi la tradition a cessé. Pour résoudre ces questions c'est important à réaliser que l'art était à sa place dans un milieu spécifique d'histoire et géographie: au temps et place où nyau était forcer à devenir un mouvement clandestin à cause de sa répression par les envahisseurs Ngoni, les missions et, plus tard, le gouvernement colonial. L'art nous donne les aperçus détaillé sur comment nyau a servi dans le procès à surmonter et manipuler les changements traumatiques que la société Chea a bravé dans les siècles récents.     

The Chronology of the Last Scandinavian Kings of York,AD 937–954

Abstract

The Cistercian Abbey of Holm Cultram was a twelfth-century royal foundation of Prince Henry, son of King David I when this part of northern England was under Scottish control. The abbey developed a successful network of benefactors spanning both sides of the Border. It was also effective in developing positive relationships with key ecclesiastical figures including Bishop Christian of Whithorn and bishops of Glasgow. The economic strength of the abbey was derived from wool, salt and fish production. In 1193, a daughter house named Grey Abbey was founded in Ulster. The benefits of the frontier location were cut short with the onset of the wars in the 1290s. Holm Cultram Abbey found itself on the path of the marching armies and had to provide supplies and lodgings. When the estates of the abbey and the precinct were attacked by the Scots on several occasions in the fourteenth century, the community turned to the English kings for compensation. On other occasions the abbots did not hesitate to pay ransom to prevent damages to the abbey. Not only the economic difficulties brought by the war, but also loss of contact with the mother house of Melrose and Scottish benefactors more generally, altered the character of Holm Cultram, which became a much more English institution when the cross-Border networks were cut off.     

The West March on the Anglo-Scottish Border in the Twelfth Century,and the Origins of the Western Debatable Land

Abstract

'The West March on the Anglo-Scottish Border in the twelfth century and the origins of the Western Debatable Land'. Although there was a frontier zone between medieval England and Scotland where March Law applied, within that zone there was, at any rate in time of peace between the Crowns, an ascertainable frontier line. Two conflicting views on the location of this line west of the Cheviot are reviewed and a third proposal advanced. From William II's conquest of Cumberland in 1092 up to 1552, the line lay along the River Esk and Liddel Water, except when the Scots possessed Cumberland and Westmorland in 1136–1157 and 1216–1217. After 1136, David I granted to the lords of the English barony of Liddel additional land comprising the parishes of Kirkandrews-on-Esk and Canonbie, north of the Esk. From 1157, the barony remained a cross-Border holding until the Scots dispossessed the English lords of Kirkandrews and Canonbie between 1300 and 1318. The English lords continued to claim that land, however, and their claim was assigned to the English Crown after 1349. At that point, what had been a claim to private rights started to become confused with national sovereignty. In 1552, arbitrators partitioned what had become known as the Western Debatable Land, a no-man's-land, and the Border then assumed its present line.     

The Amarna Stone Village Survey and life on the urban periphery in New Kingdom Egypt

Abstract

Recent fieldwork at Amarna, the short-lived capital city of Egypt in the late 2nd millennium B.C., added a second area of peripheral settlement, the Stone Village, to the well-known Workmen’s Village, the subject of an intensive excavation campaign in the 1970s and 1980s. Both villages were evidently involved in tomb cutting and/or stone quarrying, but the Stone Village is smaller, conveys a particularly vernacular style of architecture, and seems to have had less state support than the Workmen’s Village. This paper describes the Stone Village as a source for the study of urban life in ancient Egypt. The two village sites offer a case study of the tensions that arose from controlling human populations in a border zone and from longestablished belief frameworks concerning desert landscapes and sacred space.     

Les parties étiologiques de l'Ardvīsūr Bānūg Yašt et les noms de la grande déesse iranienne

In this paper, we show that the Yats wehave are not authentic in so far as that theyare the fruit of the arbitrary mixture of thethree kinds of the original Yats: theliturgical one, the legal one and theetiological one. In a lot of our Yats, moreweight is given to the liturgical version (withyazamaide), but, in the bnYat, the legal one (with yazaa)plays the main role. By considering alltogether the etiological fragments thebn Yat contains, it is possible toenlarge upon what we knew already of what mayhave constituted the etiological myth of thesacrifice offered to a deity.Incidentally, all the different names thegreat Iranian goddess receives, ap-, areduu-,sr- and anhit-, are explained: `water, soft,opulent, unaffected'.     

Evidence of the Emergence of “Modern” Behavior in the Middle and Later Stone Age Lithic Assemblages at Shurmai Rockshelter (GnJm1) and Kakwa Lelash Rockshelter (GnJm2) in the Mukogodo Hills of North-Central Kenya

The Shurmai (GnJm1) and Kakwa Lelash (GnJm2) rockshelters are located in the Mukogodo Hills region of north-central Kenya. Sondages excavated at both sites allow preliminary reconstruction of their geological and archaeological histories. A total of 4782 lithic pieces were recovered from Shurmai, and 7862 from Kakwa Lelash. The earliest materials from Shurmai date to the late African Middle Stone Age (sometime before ca. 40,000 years bp), and those from Kakwa Lelash apparently date to the African Later Stone Age (sometime after ca. 40,000 bp). The raw material composition, technomorphological characteristics, and style of assemblages from these sites do not reveal whether modern human behavior emerged first in the Middle or in the Later Stone Age. However, the greater sophistication, systematization and efficiency evident in the patterns of resource use, tool manufacture, and style in the Later Stone Age components at Shurmai and Kakwa Lelash rockshelters is consistent with the view that the origins of modern human behavior are to be found in the Later, rather than the Middle, Stone Age in Africa.Les abris de Shurmai (GnJm1) et Kakwa Lelash (GnJm2) sont situés dans la région de collines de Mukogodo du Kenya nord-central. Les sondages creusés aux deux sites permettent la reconstruction préliminaire de leurs histoires géologiques et archéologiques. Un total de 4782 objets lithiques étaient récupérés de Shurmai, et 7862 à Kakwa Lelash. Les matériaux les plus tôt de Shurmai datent au fin de l'Age de la Pierre Moyen d'Afrique (avant ca. 40,000 ans avant le présent), et ceux de Kakwa Lelash datent apparemment au l'Age de la Pierre Récent d'Afrique (après ca. 40,000 ans avant le présent). La composition de matière première, les caractéristiques techno-morphologiques et le modèle des assemblages de ces sites ne révéle pas si le comportement moderne humain a émergé d'abord dans l'Age de la Pierre Moyen ou Récent. Cependant, la plus grand sophistication, systématisation et efficacité évident dans les configurations de l'utilisation de la ressource et dans la fabrication et style des outils de l'Age de la Pierre Récent des abris de Shurmai et Kakwa Lelash se conforme avec l'opinion que les origines de comportement moderne humain se trouvent dans l'Age de la Pierre Récent plutôt que dans l'Age de la Pierre Moyen dans Afrique.     

Foreign banks' attraction to the financial centre Frankfurt--an inverted 'U'-shaped relationship

This article traces the location of foreign banks in Germanyfrom 1949 to 2006. As suggested by New Economic Geography models,we find an inverted ‘U’-shaped concentration offoreign banks in Germany. Only after a competition between severalcities, Frankfurt has emerged as the pre-eminent financial centre,triggered by the ‘historical event’ of setting upthe German central bank in Frankfurt. After a strong increase,Frankfurt's share in the location of foreign banks in Germanydecreases slowly but significantly since the mid-1980s. We concludethat there will be a lesser role in Europe for second-tier financialcentres in the future.