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Xiaobai Hu 《中国历史研究》2019,52(2):148-162
AbstractThe author scrutinizes the history of Muli (木里) as a semiautonomous political entity in the 17th century southern Sino-Tibetan borderland. By tracing Muli’s improvization in the face of multiple powerful regimes such as the Naxi kingdom, the Geluk Tibetans, the Khoshut Mongols, and the Chinese dynasties, the author explores how an indigenous notion of power took shape in the wake of geopolitical turbulence. Before 1580, Muli was a colony of the Naxi kingdom and dominated by the Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism. After 1640, it became a stronghold of the Tibetan Buddhist Geluk school and was deeply involved in the power struggles between the Geluk and Kakyu schools as well as the Tibetans and Mongols. Despite of acknowledging multiple sovereigns, Muli rulers utilized various tactics to hold on to power and prioritize local interest. The nuanced, yet creative, strategies Muli people adopted showcases the significant role border regimes played and their agency in shaping the power dynamics in pre-modern Eastern Asian borderlands. 相似文献
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在元代短短几十年中,道教经历了一个大盛大衰的过程,中土本有的佛教也为藏传佛教所压制,中国画在这一时期则体现出比以往更多的文人气质。本文叙述了元代的宗教状况与宗教政策的关系,以及道释画在这一背景下所呈现出的不同面貌。 相似文献
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Arjun Subrahmanyan 《亚洲研究评论》2017,41(1):40-57
The People’s Party toppled the Siamese absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy in Thailand in June 1932. Scholars have generally denied that the revolution had any popular resonance, but this article shows that in Buddhism, the country’s premier cultural form, democratic rhetoric in the 1930s resonated among young monks marginalised by the ecclesiastical hierarchy. A group of young monks within the Mahanikai, or Great Order, rebelled against the palace-established Thammayut order that exercised the most power in institutional Buddhism. A “thin” or formal democracy established in 1932 – one displaying the main trappings of a regime of popular sovereignty but purposefully limited in scope by the People’s Party – thus inspired an assertion of a “thick” democracy, or democracy as a much older social value that governed both the Sangha internally and its relations with local communities, which the Mahanikai activists claimed was the core of original Buddhism.
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徐州汉化不仅以汉墓、汉俑、汉画称于世,而且由于地处南北交汇的特殊区位,儒佛道多种化在此碰撞融通,使之成为道教和佛教的传播基地。汉高祖以道治国,张良晚年退隐,刘向编撰《列仙传》,张陵创建五斗米道,楚王刘英祭浮屠,笮融下邳弘法,他们既促成了道教的产生,又为佛教在东方的传播作出了重大的贡献。 相似文献
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Patrice Ladwig 《亚洲研究评论》2013,37(4):509-526
Buddhist ascetic monks and hermits that move largely outside of the institutional structures of the monastic order (sangha) have a long history in mainland Southeast Asia. In Lao Buddhism these figures seem to have largely disappeared, but due to their charismatic qualities they still occupy a crucial position in the social imaginary. This article explores rumours and narratives about the existence of ascetic monks and hermits in contemporary Laos. I argue that rumours about, and narratives of, spectral apparitions of these figures express a longing for Buddhist charisma that is partially rooted in Laos’ revolutionary past, and in recent social and economic changes. As Buddhist charisma can point to alternative, personalised sources of power, I argue that rumours and spectral apparitions can be interpreted as haunting, and therefore afflicting and challenging the current politics of religion of the Lao state. 相似文献
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《阅微草堂笔记》中有十余则笔记和杀生有关,从这些笔记中可看出纪昀对屠宰耕牛持坚决反对态度。对其他动物,则既不反对杀生,又反对过度杀生。纪昀形成这种观点既是受到佛教思想的影响,更是受到儒家思想的影响。他创作这些笔记的目的是用因果报应的方式劝戒人心,以弥补法律实施上所存在的不足,维护封建伦理道德,但其中也包含着劝善惩恶的朴素思想。 相似文献
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唐宋墓葬中出土有一种陀罗尼经咒,它往往以特殊的佩戴方式与死者伴出。通过对考古出土的这类材料进行综合研究,认为其与唐宋时期持明密教在中土的流行有关,同时也与中国传统文化中的咒术、避邪等方术相互结合,形成唐宋之际民间信仰的一种新的表现形式。 相似文献
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佛塔源于印度,因用于藏舍利而被神化,受到佛教信徒的虔诚礼拜,多于其外刻浮雕。大塔一般露天建造,称露塔,小塔则在庙内供奉,称堂塔或塔庙。本文所论及的只是小型石刻佛塔。 相似文献
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从墓志看佛教对唐代妇女生活的影响 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
从对唐墓志的分析考察可知,唐代妇女信佛者较多,在家修行的妇女占绝对多数,且相当地分奉佛者为孀居妇女。唐代妇女诵读或抄写的佛典主要集中在金刚般若、法华、涅槃、维摩等经上,尤以金融般若、法华两经为最。唐代妇女祟佛原因众多,其中不少孀居妇女、宫人、宦官夫人、无子和不育的妇女多从佛教中寻求精神和情感寄托。唐代妇女祟佛对社会风尚、生死观念和丧葬观念产生了很大的影响。 相似文献